Tuesday, January 08, 2008

"Clinton Allies May Dump Millions Into Anti-Obama Group"

Thomas B. Edsall:
Manchester, N.H. -- A panicked and cash-short Clinton campaign is seriously considering giving up on the Nevada caucuses and on the South Carolina primary in order to regroup and to save resources for the massive 19-state mega-primary on February 5.
At the same time, some top independent expenditure groups supporting Clinton have been exploring the creation of an anti-Obama "527 committee" that would take unlimited contributions from a few of Clinton's super-rich backers and from a handful of unions to finance television ads and direct mail designed to tarnish the Illinois Senator's image.

The Clinton campaign has raised over $100 million, but has "only" $15 to $20 million left. It faces donor reluctance to give more in the face of the Iowa defeat and the prospect of a second loss in New Hampshire today. Even worse, the campaign fears defections among those fundraisers who want to be with a winner and who might be easily persuaded to support Barack Obama.

While the amount of money Clinton has would seem to be more than enough by past standards, the cost of competing in the February 5 states -- including New York, California, Georgia, New Jersey, Minnesota, Colorado, Tennessee, Massachusetts and Arizona - is unprecedented in the history of American primaries. She will face, in turn, an extremely well-funded Obama campaign, whose cash register right now doesn't stop ringing as donations are coming in over the Internet, by mail and in checks handed over in person.

The decision whether to take on Obama in Nevada and South Carolina will likely be made within the next 12 hours.

Both states look like probable defeats for Clinton. South Carolina has a large black electorate that is now likely to back Obama by wide margins, and the Democratic primary is open to all voters, including independents and Republicans, two other groups that in Iowa backed Obama decisively. Clinton had looked fully competitive in Nevada, but Obama's victories have boosted his chances there and now he appears almost certain to get the endorsement of the powerful Culinary Workers Union.

Arguing against pulling out of South Carolina and Nevada are Clinton aides who say that bowing out now would guarantee four defeats in a row - Iowa, N.H. lost at the ballot box, and South Carolina. and Nevada given up by default - would be a disastrous precursor to the February 5 contests. "You've got to put some points on the board. You can't just let the other guys run up the score and expect to come back in the fourth quarter," one Clinton aide said.

Three groups conducting independent expenditure campaigns in behalf of Clinton - Emily's List, the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) and the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) - have explored the possibility of trying to put together a multi-million dollar effort privately dubbed the Anybody-But-Obama 527 Committee, but they have run into problems finding any Democratic operative willing to become the director of a campaign against the man who now is the odds-on favorite to become the party's nominee.

"You might make some good money in the short term, but your chances of getting any Democratic contracts in the future, especially if Obama wins, would be zilch," said one operative. "I wouldn't go there." The effectiveness of a 527 that goes negative was demonstrated by the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, which attacked John Kerry's war record in the 2004 campaign.

Sources familiar with the discussions about the creation of an anti-Obama 527 said that some of the Clinton campaign's major fundraisers have separately been exploring another similar proposal, but have not gotten very far yet.

"These things (527s) are not that easy to get rolling. There is a long way between talking and doing," said one source familiar with setting up 527 operations.

Federal tax law requires regular disclosure of both the donors to 527 organizations and the expenditures they make, so it is not possible for such committees to keep secret the identity of supporters and staff.

"Brave New Films live video coverage of New Hampshire primary" (with video)


WHEN: TONIGHT AT 7PM ET (4PM PT)
HOSTS: Cenk Uygur and Wes Clark, Jr.
WHERE: http://bravenewfilms.org/election?utm_source=rgemail

SCHEDULE:
7:10: Robert Greenwald, Brave New Films
7:40: Matthew Yglesias, The Atlantic
7:50: Robin Abcarian, L.A. Times
8:00: Billy Wimsatt, League of Young Voters
8:10: Rachel Sklar, The Huffington Post
8:20: Jane Hamsher, Firedoglake
8:30: Jim Dean, Democracy For America
8:40: Steve Clemons, The Note
9:00: Lane Hudson, News for the Left
9:10: Isaiah Poole, TomPaine.com
9:40: James Rucker, Color of Change
10:00: Liza Sabater, Culture Kitchen
10:10: Eric Boehlert, Media Matters
Howie P.S.: Brave New Films produced this video (02:53),"FOX ATTACKS! Obama Staffer."

"Clinton’s Campaign Shows Stress Before Primary"

NY Times:
PORTSMOUTH, N.H. — Key campaign officials may be replaced. She may start calling herself the underdog. Donors would receive pleas that it is do-or-die time. And her political strategy could begin mirroring that of Rudolph W. Giuliani, a Republican rival, by focusing on populous states like California and New York whose primaries are Feb. 5.
Everything is on the table inside Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton’s campaign if she loses the New Hampshire primary on Tuesday, her advisers say — including her style of campaigning, which shifted dramatically on Monday when Mrs. Clinton bared her thoughts about the race’s impact on her personally, and her eyes welled with tears.

“I couldn’t do it if I just didn’t passionately believe it was the right thing to do,” she said here in reply to a question from an undecided voter, a woman roughly Mrs. Clinton’s age.

Her eyes visibly wet, in perhaps the most public display of emotion of her year-old campaign, Mrs. Clinton added: “I have so many opportunities from this country, I just don’t want to see us fall backwards. This is very personal for me — it’s not just political, it’s not just public.”

Mrs. Clinton did not cry, but her quavering voice and the flash of feeling underscored the pressure, fatigue, anger and disappointment that, advisers say, Mrs. Clinton has experienced since her loss on Thursday in the Iowa caucuses and that she continues to shoulder at this most critical moment.

Mrs. Clinton has felt frustrated and at times rejected as she has watched the rise of Senator Barack Obama, her main rival here and the victor in Iowa, advisers say.

But she is also worried that her political strategy, polling and communications message have not reflected the mood and desire for change among Democratic voters.

In an interview on Monday night, Mrs. Clinton said she choked up at the Portsmouth event because the other woman had expressed concern for her feelings, after months when Mrs. Clinton was focused on voters’ anxieties.

“It was just so touching when this woman said, ‘Well, what about you?’” Mrs. Clinton said. “I just don’t think about that, I think about what I can do for other people I have spent a lifetime trying to help others; I’m very other-directed. That’s maybe why people don’t get me in the political world.”

Win or lose, Mrs. Clinton plans to leave New Hampshire with a fighting spirit and moving forcefully to contrast her plans with Mr. Obama’s, most likely including television commercials criticizing his positions on health care and, possibly, Iraq in a point-by-point style. She chose not to do that in New Hampshire, advisers said, because there were only five days between her arrival from Iowa and the primary — not enough time to do damage.

Advisers say they believe she needs a victory before the Feb. 5 primaries — if not in New Hampshire, then in Nevada, whose presidential caucuses are Jan. 19. South Carolina, which votes on Jan. 26, has more history than Nevada as a proving ground for candidates, but Mrs. Clinton fears Mr. Obama’s support among the black voters that dominate the Democratic vote there.

Mrs. Clinton will campaign soon in California, New York and New Jersey, which have primaries on Feb. 5 with large numbers of delegates at stake for the nomination. A decision has not been made about where to go after New Hampshire, advisers said, though some of them would like Mrs. Clinton to rest first.

Mrs. Clinton is not the only candidate seeking to rejuvenate her campaign in other state contests. Mitt Romney, the former Massachusetts governor who is a contender in the Republican race, has been running ads in Michigan, where his father was a governor, hoping for a victory. He came in second in Iowa, and his prospects are uncertain in New Hampshire. John Edwards, who had been hoping to win Iowa but came in second, is banking on South Carolina, which he won as a Democratic presidential candidate in 2004. And Mr. Giuliani is hoping for a strong showing in the Florida primary on Jan. 29.

If Mrs. Clinton loses badly on Tuesday, campaign officials say she may shake up her team and replace one or more of her senior aides, such as her campaign manager, Patti Solis Doyle; her chief strategist, Mark Penn; her advertising adviser, Mandy Grunwald; and her communications director, Howard Wolfson.

Officials stressed that any signs of upheaval might weaken her further, and that decisions would be made about her staff after the New Hampshire primary. They also noted that her personal loyalties to members of her team leaned against a major shakeup: Ms. Solis Doyle and Ms. Grunwald have been by Mrs. Clinton’s side since her husband’s 1992 campaign, and Mr. Penn for more than a decade. She is also close to Mr. Wolfson, a veteran of her first Senate campaign in 2000.

It is also unclear who could come in this late to right the ship, especially if Mrs. Clinton is 0 for 2 in the first nominating contests. She faces a four-week calendar of primaries through Feb. 5, when she believes the Democratic nomination will be decided. Two former aides to President Clinton, James Carville and John Podesta, have been mentioned by her allies as potential hires, but neither man has been formally asked, said people with knowledge of internal campaign conversations.

Mrs. Clinton is trying to steel herself against pessimism, but both she and Mr. Clinton are feeling disappointment, advisers say.

“We’re all resolved to the probability that’s she’s not going to win New Hampshire, and the mood has turned very despondent — fatalistic, probably,” one of Mrs. Clinton’s leading fund-raisers and supporters said on Monday on condition of anonymity.

“No one worth their salt is going to jump ship at this point, and she’ll probably play it out till Super-Duper Tuesday,” the fund-raiser said, referring to the Feb. 5 primaries. “But the money dynamic is going to get very, very tough; convincing people to send more money will be very tough.”

President Clinton tried to do just that on Monday, sending an e-mail message to online donors saying that they were the only ones who “can put money in the bank quickly enough to make a real difference in New Hampshire by tomorrow.” Advisers said that Mrs. Clinton’s cash situation was not dire.
Howie P.S.: From Hillary's significant other: "President Clinton Sees Post-Iowa 'Tidal Wave,' Faults Press for Obama 'Fairy Tale'."

"Obama’s Surge Deflates Forum and Talk of a Bloomberg Run"

NY Times:
NORMAN, Okla. — He arrived here for what seemed like it could be a big moment. Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, eyeing a third-party presidential bid, joined Republican and Democratic elders at a forum to denounce the extreme partisanship of Washington and plot how to influence the campaign.

But even as the mayor gathered on Monday with the seasoned Washington hands on the campus of the University of Oklahoma, the surging presidential campaign of Senator Barack Obama seemed to steal energy from the event and set off worry elsewhere among Mr. Bloomberg’s supporters.
Mr. Obama has stressed that he wants to move beyond gridlocked politics and usher in an era of national unity. A key organizer of the effort to draft Mr. Bloomberg for a presidential run acknowledged in an interview on Monday that that Mr. Obama’s rise could be problematic.

“Obama is trying to reach out to independent voters, and that clearly would be the constituency that Mike Bloomberg would go after,” said Andrew MacRae, who heads the Washington chapter of Draft Mike Bloomberg for President 2008. “An Obama victory does not make it impossible, but it certainly makes it more difficult.”

The event was organized by former Senator Sam Nunn, Democrat of Georgia, with former Senator David L. Boren, Democrat of Oklahoma. In the days leading up the event here, just outside Oklahoma City, Mr. Boren suggested that he would encourage Mr. Bloomberg to run if the major party nominees failed to heed the call for bipartisanship.

But several leading participants took pains to say that they had no intention of abandoning their own parties in the election. Some even cast Mr. Obama’s success as evidence that the nation was yearning for the type of leadership they were offering.

“I believe he is demonstrating, in the support he is getting, that the American people share this concern about excessive partisanship,” said Bob Graham, a Democratic former senator from Florida, who said he would support a Democrat for president.

Gary Hart, a Democrat from Colorado who also served in the Senate, said he intended to endorse one of the Democratic presidential candidates in the next 48 hours, though he declined to identify the candidate.

“I am a Democrat, and I will endorse a Democratic president,” he said. “There are no independent candidates. I won’t endorse a Republican.”

The forum attracted students, faculty members and some who said they were intrigued by a third party approach. Still, they were also taking notice of the momentum Mr. Obama has been gaining since his victory in the Iowa caucuses last week.

“I wonder about all this,” said Tobi Padwick, 36, who drove to the event from Texas. Mr. Padwick said he believed the eventual nominees would be Mr. Obama and Senator John McCain, and “that sort of steals a lot of thunder, since they’re the two more moderate candidates.”

Despite public denials that he plans to run, aides close to Mr. Bloomberg have been laying the groundwork for a candidacy, should he declare one.

Mr. Bloomberg kept a low profile at the forum. In response to a question during the panel discussion about the Iowa caucuses, Mr. Bloomberg did not talk about Mr. Obama or the Republican winner, Mike Huckabee, the former governor of Arkansas, but said that perhaps the discussion the group was looking for had already begun.

“I hope that all the candidates say to themselves that the public is tired of the partisanship and the special interests, and if I’m going to get elected, I’ve got to stand up and say what I believe, face the big issues, hold myself accountable, and maybe you are seeing that.”

As he usually has in recent weeks, Mr. Bloomberg played down the notion that he would be a candidate himself, saying during the forum that the goal he shared with others at the conference was to be a “catalyst” for a discussion of the nation’s problems.

But even Mr. Bloomberg’s effort to influence the debate in the presidential campaign has hit challenges. The mayor recently paid out of his own pocket for ads in Iowa and New Hampshire newspapers demanding, on behalf of mayors concerned about gun violence, that candidates complete a questionnaire detailing their positions on gun issues.

The candidates were given until Jan. 2 to respond, but none of the campaigns complied, and Mr. Bloomberg and his colleagues have now pushed back the deadline.

People close to the mayor say that he will probably decide in March whether he will run, assuming that Democrats and Republicans have settled on their presumptive nominees. His aides have been researching the cumbersome process for starting an independent campaign, and a crucial date is March 5, when third-party candidates can begin circulating petitions to get a spot on the ballot in Texas.

Mr. Bloomberg would have to decide, among other things, whether there was an opening for a self-styled progressive centrist like him. Aides have said that he would be prepared to spend $1 billion.

Other participants at the forum included John Danforth, a Republican former senator from Missouri; Senator Chuck Hagel, Republican from Nebraska; William Cohen, former secretary of defense; and Christie Whitman, former governor of New Jersey and a Republican.

Like other participants, Mrs. Whitman has been seeking to distance herself from any third-party bid by Mr. Bloomberg. In a recent blog post on the Web site of the Republican Leadership Council, a centrist group of which she is co-chairwoman, Mrs. Whitman wrote, “While other attendees may assert their personal interest in a third party, I am a Republican and will remain one.”

Asked Monday whether she would support an independent presidential bid by Mr. Bloomberg or anyone else, Mrs. Whitman echoed those comments, saying, “I’m focused on the Republican Leadership Council.”
Howie P.S.: MSNBC's First Read wraps Obama's NH campaign with "Obama: We are about to make history."

"2 Hopefuls Share Little but Appeal to Youth"

NY Times:
MANCHESTER, N.H. — It has the feel and look of a transformative moment, this tidal wave of young voters buoying the disparate campaigns of Senators Barack Obama and John McCain.
The shouts and wild applause, and willingness to knock on doors and work on telephone banks late in the evening transformed the Iowa caucuses.

Even those working for politicians unlikely to draw power from this surge say the youth vote could do the same on Tuesday in New Hampshire. At Dartmouth, which is back in session, professors predicted a 60 percent turnout on the campus in Hanover, a percentage that would far exceed previous primaries.

In Iowa, young voters came out in strength, as did their elders. Fifty-seven percent of voters ages 17 to 24 said Mr. Obama was their first choice, compared with 14 percent for John Edwards and 10 percent for Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Far fewer young people voted in the Republican caucuses, and former Gov. Mike Huckabee of Arkansas scored highest, drawing well with evangelical youth.

Mr. McCain’s persona as a war hero who rarely minds his lip scores well on campuses in New Hampshire.

Even those transfixed by this wave caution against proclaiming the primaries as a coming of age for a new generation of young activists and voters.

Political pied pipers often prove ephemeral. Mr. Obama’s support among a focus group at Dartmouth sagged noticeably after students watched him debate more veteran Democrats.

Over the long run, young voters rarely vote in percentages as high as older voters. And many laboring here hail from out of state and cannot vote here.

“The mass mobilization and excitement this year is tremendous,” said Joseph Bafumi, a professor of government at Dartmouth. “It gives a campaign a feeling of vitality and energy. But young people are famously transient and not yet settled.”

Gaby Gottlob, 19, a student at the University of Vermont, said not all students were so engaged.

“I know a lot of people that are like: ‘Oh, the primary? I haven’t registered yet,’” Ms. Gottlob said.

Every candidate turns to the tools of the youth culture, a Facebook, YouTube and blogging whirl. But some go much further. Mr. Obama has spoken on college campuses for months, acquiring a vast database of potential volunteers.

Former President Bill Clinton has done the same as his wife’s surrogate. Mr. McCain rarely has a rally or forum in which he fails to hand a microphone to a young person.

No candidate is more aware of the tonic appeal of the youth vote, and more intent on capturing its power than Mr. Obama is. His campaign has the trappings of a youth crusade, an impression he emphasizes by having aides place young people behind him on stage.

Few candidates of recent vintage approached Mr. Obama’s capture of more than half the youth vote in Iowa. In 2004, Howard Dean summoned “net rooters” and “alt rockers.” But in the end, Senator John Kerry received 37 percent of the 18-to-24 vote to Mr. Dean’s 23 percent, according to a poll by Edison/Mitofsky.

Mr. Obama challenges young people daily, urging them to prove pundits wrong by turning out in vast numbers. Booming applause greets his words.

“It would be such a shame after seeing the great turnout in Iowa if we weren’t working as hard as we could to make sure that story continues, because I think that was the biggest story out of Iowa,” Mr. Obama told an audience on Monday. “That transcends any individual candidate.”

The precise alchemy of this attraction is uncertain, as often is true in politics. It owes perhaps to Mr. Obama’s youthful look and multicultural persona, his soaring words and a message tinged with liberal politics and talk of uniting partisans.

“It’s not something he’s doing.” Professor Bafumi said. “It’s something he’s being.”

James Nance, 19, a student at George Mason, traveled across New Hampshire as a political tourist watching candidates. Only Mr. Obama spoke directly to his concerns.

“Kids are the best at telling who’s a liar, who’s phony,” Mr. Nance said. “He really inspires me to stand up and fight. There’s something different about him, you know.”

Mr. Obama’s rivals have not conceded the youth vote. Chelsea Clinton has accompanied her mother, Mrs. Clinton, everywhere on the campaign trail of late. She worked on telephone banks for 30 minutes on Monday.

The campaign made sure to let cameras follow her as she strolled the streets of Portsmouth, even convincing a wavering young woman at a diner to vote for her mother.

Mrs. Clinton’s rallies attract young people, although in nothing like the numbers and passion for Mr. Obama. She has tried to defuse that strength by hitting at his weakness. Her campaign placed a billboard in Hanover, with one word, “Ready.”

Mr. Edwards draws relatively few young people to his events, notwithstanding his youthful looks and energetic style. His theme of a middle class betrayed by a corporate elite appears not to resonate with younger voters. Tom Murray, 20, a political science major from Long Island, hears in Mr. Edwards’s message a poetic tale. But Mr. Murray sees few young people at rallies.

“It’s mostly older people,” he said. “I’m not sure why.”

In the Republican ranks, Mr. McCain, 71, is a curious bookend to Mr. Obama. He is the oldest candidate in either party besides Ron Paul, another Republican, who is 72. Yet he draws hundreds of young people at some events.

Mr. McCain drew many hundreds when he spoke at Dartmouth, a number exceeded only by the 2,000 students who showed up for Mr. Obama.

“He is seen as Washington but not in it,” said Ronald G. Shaiko, an associate director of the Nelson A. Rockefeller Center at Dartmouth who works with focus groups. “They think he’ll upset the apple cart.”

Mr. McCain admits to admiring Mr. Obama’s appeal as a “wonderful thing” and has taken to borrowing a line or three. He has been channeling Mr. Obama, calling on Americans to “serve a cause greater than their self-interest,” a theme from his campaign in 2000.

At forums, he may hand the microphone to a young man with ONE, a group dedicated to eradicating what it calls “stupid poverty” and disease. The group has more than 17,000 members in New Hampshire.

At Dartmouth, Emily Goodell, 18, sat astride a strange fence, contemplating a vote for Mr. McCain or Mr. Obama.

“It is kind of a strange thing since they have different views on many of the issues,” Ms. Goodell said. “They come across as genuine. I trust them.”

Nearly as striking is the absence of young people on the trail traveled by Mitt Romney and Rudolph W. Giuliani. Mr. Romney visited Dartmouth, but the earth did not shake.

“He went straight to the medical school,” Professor Shaiko said. “He wanted to talk to adults. He has no presence here.”

Still, the youth vote has an uncertain mojo. For the moment, Mr. Obama is like catnip for many people younger than 30. Less certain is if his “it moment” will be sustained.

The results of the Rockefeller Center focus group before the Democratic debate in September at Dartmouth may be instructive. Mr. Obama’s stock dropped after he stood shoulder to shoulder with more experienced rivals.

“His talking about his work in the state legislature while another candidate is talking about negotiating with the North Koreans was a turnoff,” Professor Shaiko said. “They found him coming up short on experience.”
Howie P.S.: Nice to hear young people worrying about experience, as the author of this piece takes two opportunities to mention. The Baltimore Sun article, "Young voters a grand prize for candidates," takes another look.

John Edwards - "Underdog" Ad (video)


johnedwards, video (01:00):
John Edwards will never give up on the fight to save the middle class, and he will take this fight all the way to the Democratic Convention and to the White House.

"I may be an underdog in this campaign, running against two candidates with $200 million between them, but the real underdogs are the middle class and the voiceless in this country," Edwards says in this new spot. "I know that the fight to save the middle class will be an epic battle, and I will never give up. We're going to take the fight to save the middle class all the way to the Convention and the White House. We're going to look our children in the eye and tell them 'we left you a better life than we had.'"
Howie P.S.: First Read (MSNBC) reports on a "star-studded" house party for Edwards in NH yesterday.

Monday, January 07, 2008

"Video: Michelle “The Closer” Obama Pulls In Some Undecided Voters"


Think On These Things, video (02:42):
If you ever get the chance to hear Michelle Obama speak in person, do so. She’s great. I don’t know who I like more–Michelle Obama or Barack Obama.

"Crossroads"--Hillary's Final NH Ad


hillaryclintondotcom, video (02:00):
"Thank you New Hampshire, for welcoming me into your homes and hearts. And when you vote, I hope you'll ask one question: Who is ready to be president on day one?"

"Video:Barack Obama on Good Morning America, January 7, 2008"

Think On These Things, video:

Part 1

Part 2


"Clinton's New Hampshire Strategy" (video)

NY Times video (04:12):
A look at Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton's strategy shift in her first three days in New Hampshire after finishing third in Iowa.

"Edwards Isn't Going Anywhere"

Political Wire:
While his campaign concedes John Edwards won't win the New Hampshire primary, NBC News spoke to strategist Joe Trippi who is certain his candidate will stay in the Democratic presidential race until the convention. The main reason is that anything can happen in politics.

"He equates Obama to a speeding bullet. Don't get in the way but if the bullet slows down (and it may not) for whatever reason (it just does, a Dean moment, big screw up) then Edwards can be there waiting around at the 'drain.' You can't fall in the drain, but you can hang around and wait for the right moment."

"Edwards can afford to wait around. Not as big of staff, they operate on a much smaller scale than Clinton. Also Hillary having been the front runner doesn't want to tarnish the image of the Clinton legacy and can't take the losses, so assumes Trippi. She also won't have the money coming in anymore. Besides the fact that so many of her donors are maxed out. Edwards had more money come in the past two weeks than they have ever had. They have every intention in staying in until the convention."

"Hillary Clinton Hits the Morning Shows" (video)


Veracifier, video (2:17):
Hillary Clinton on the Today Show and Good Morning America, January 7, 2008.

"Obama On Hillary: "I Think You Are Plenty Likable""


Greg Sargent, TPM Election Central, with video (03:02)):
Obama goes on ABC News, beats back allegations from Hillary about the lobbyist/New Hampshire official in his campaign, revises his earlier claim that Hillary is "likable enough"...
Howie P.S.: Thanks to Heather Larson for passing this along.

Three on the Top Three

"For black skeptics, Obama cites Iowa"---LA Times.

"Edwards: Closing his N.H. campaign as 'the fighter'"---The Swamp, Chicago Tribune political blog.

"Clintons Get Desperate as Obama Surges Ahead"--- Paul Hogarth's diary on Kos.

"Hillary Has An Emotional Moment On Campaign Trail (with video)

TPM Election Central,with video (01:51):
The Wall Street Journal flags a key moment from the trail today, in which Hillary showed a table-full of undecided voters an emotional side:

“It’s not easy, it’s not easy,” Clinton said shaking her head. Her eyes began to get watery as she finished answering the question, “I couldn’t do it if I didn’t passionately believe it was the right thing to do. This is very personal for me. I have so many ideas for this country and I just don’t want to see us fall backwards. It’s about our country, it’s about our kids’ future,” she said softly crying, her voice breaking.

The group of 15 women sitting around a table at the Cafe Espresso nodded understandingly. Clinton continued, her voice still cracking: “We do it each one of us because we care about our country, but some of us are right and some of us are wrong, some of us are ready and some of us are not, some of us know what we’ll do on day one and some of us don’t,” she said.

ABC has the video.

Late Update: Ben Smith has a more extensive account.

Howie P.S.: Immediately after the Hillary video, you can watch "On Obama's Campaign Bus" from ABC News, video (02:21).

"Noontime Web Video Revitalizes Lunch at Desk"

NY Times:
In cubicles across the country, lunchtime has become the new prime time, as workers click aside their spreadsheets to watch videos on YouTube, news highlights on CNN.com or other Web offerings.
The trend — part of a broader phenomenon known as video snacking — is turning into a growth business for news and media companies, which are feeding the lunch crowd more fresh content.

In some offices, workers coordinate their midday Web-watching schedules, the better to shout out punch lines to one another across rows of desks. Some people gravitate to sites where they can reliably find Webcasts of a certain length — say, a three-minute political wrap-up — to minimize both their mouse clicks and the sandwich crumbs that wind up in the keyboard.

“Go take a walk around your office” at lunchtime, said Alan Wurtzel, head of research for NBC. “Out of 20 people, I’m going to guarantee that 5 are going to be on some sort of site that is not work-related.”

The midday spike in Web traffic is not a new phenomenon, but media companies have started responding in a meaningful way over the last year. They are creating new shows, timing the posts to coincide with hunger pangs. And they are rejiggering the way they sell advertising online, recognizing that noontime programs can command a premium.

In 2007, a growing number of local television stations, including WNCN in Raleigh, N.C., and WCMH in Columbus, Ohio, began producing noon programming exclusively for the Web. Among newspapers, The Virginian-Pilot of Norfolk, Va., and The Ventura County Star in California started posting videos at lunchtime that have young journalists as hosts and are meant to appeal to 18- to 34-year-old audiences.

The trend has swept across large as well as small independent sites. Yahoo’s daily best-of-the-Web segment, called The 9 and sponsored by Pepsi, is produced every morning in time for lunch. At MyDamnChannel.com, a showcase for offbeat videos, programmers have been instructed to promote new videos around noon, right when the two-hour traffic spike starts.

“Based on the traffic I’m seeing,” said Miguel Monteverde, executive director of AOL Video, “our nation’s productivity is in question.”

From an apartment in Greenwich Village, Rob Millis and Will Coghlan are hosts and producers of a three-minute daily Webcast, Political Lunch, done around 10 a.m., followed by an hour and a half of editing, in time for uploading just before noon. Political Lunch, which was introduced in September and appears on several Web sites, is viewed 10,000 to 20,000 times a week, with a peak in traffic from 1 to 3 p.m.

“It’s an Internet version of appointment viewing,” Mr. Millis said.

One man who takes his midday video schedule seriously is Jason Spitz, a merchandise manager for a major record label in Los Angeles. He trades links to videos with his friends all day — usually low-budget sketch comedy bits from FunnyOrDie.com or CollegeHumor.com — and stockpiles them to watch during lunch breaks. He and his colleagues like to look at the same videos at the same time from their separate desks, turning the routine into a communal activity.

“The clips are shorter than a full 30-minute TV show, so we can cram several small bites of entertainment into one lunch break,” Mr. Spitz said. “The funniest moments usually become inside jokes among my co-workers.”

Noah Lehmann-Haupt, the founder of an upscale car rental company in New York, said that video snacking on short clips is “a good excuse to stay at my desk during lunch, which I prefer since it keeps the momentum of the day going.” He often watches segments from “The Daily Show,” now that Comedy Central has put eight years’ worth of episodes online for free viewing.

Plus, the format leaves both hands free to consume the day’s takeout meal. “I can’t exactly surf while eating, and it’s healthy to step away from e-mails and work for a few minutes a day,” he said.

Some content plays better over lunch. CNN.com, which draws an average of 69 million video plays each month, tends to promote lighter videos in the middle of the day. (“Cloned cats glow in the dark” and “Bulldog straps on skateboard” were among the most popular on a recent weekday.)

At NBC.com and other network Web sites, shorter videos draw more lunchtime traffic than longer ones, which are more often downloaded at night. For that reason, sites like NBC.com emphasize short-form highlights during the day and entire half-hour or hourlong shows in the evening.

From an advertiser’s perspective, the Web is a more flexible medium than television, because technology makes it easy to monitor people’s behavior and adjust programming accordingly. Better still, marketers have found that consumers are up to 30 percent more likely to make a purchase after viewing an advertisement at lunchtime than at other times of the day.

“Not only is advertising volume and Internet use increasing during the 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. time period, but people are actually buying and purchasing and reacting to advertising,” said Young-Bean Song, vice president for analytics at Atlas Solutions, a unit of Microsoft that helps companies with digital marketing campaigns.

Sticking to a set schedule turns out to be almost as important on the Web as it is on television. At blip.TV, a video-sharing site, Mike Hudack, the chief executive, encourages his producers to post videos at the same time each day or week.

“Continuity and consistency is incredibly important,” Mr. Hudack said.

“If you want to attract a loyal audience, you have to give them what they expect when they expect it.”

"Why the Left Doesn’t Appreciate Obama "

Beyond Chron:
As the Iowa caucuses approached, progressive attacks on Barack Obama greatly increased. Bloggers on the popular Daily Kos were almost beside themselves condemning Obama’s alleged wrongs, with even Kos founder Markos Moulitisas expressing disgust with Obama’s alleged “right wing” appeals for votes.
Most progressive bloggers backed John Edwards, preferring his confrontational approach to Obama’s pledge for red and blue state “unity.” But what Obama’s strong victory again showed is that most voters do not like confrontational candidates, and Edwards even finished third among presumably combative union households. Instead of celebrating a candidate whose progressive stands were winning over, rather than alienating, independent voters, bloggers were angry. Sadly, many left activists appear to view any candidate capable of attracting votes beyond the true believers as inevitably compromised. Fortunately, this premise was rejected by the new generation of voters whose backing of Obama spelled the difference.

To paraphrase John Kerry, I was right about Barack Obama before I was wrong about him. On November 20, 2006, I wrote a piece urging Obama to enter the presidential race, arguing “his candidacy would galvanize young people and many others toward getting involved in the political process.” I subsequently wrote an article on February 13, 2007 whose title --- “Barack Obama Offers Hope for America’s Progressive Future” --- expressed my view that Obama was the progressives’ best choice.

But in a May 15, 2007 piece, “Reassessing Obama,” I expressed disappointment in Obama’s apparent drift toward “Clinton-style” politics. Obama seemed to have moved away from his earlier message of inspiration and hope, and was becoming indistinguishable from his opponents. His stagnant poll numbers reflected this shift.

In November, Obama recaptured his original galvanizing presence, and became the candidate I thought he would become. But many progressives have been less than excited about Obama’s rise, believing that his message of “One America” was politically naïve.

These progressives preferred the “Two Americas” theme of John Edwards. Bloggers relentlessly attacked Obama in the week prior to the Iowa caucuses, arguing that creating real change requires Edwards’ confrontational approach, rather than Obama’s call for unity.

Ironically, while the bloggers were exercised over Obama, they seemed less critical of Hillary Clinton. But Edwards made it clear in his election night speech that he saw himself and Obama as agents of change, while Hillary stood for big moneyed interests and the status quo.

In the view of bloggers on Daily Kos and similar sites, Obama’s attempt to broaden his political base was akin to “selling out” progressive constituencies. These bloggers view partisanship and combativeness as essential for overcoming powerful constituencies, and look skeptically at Obama’s goal to try to win Republican support for universal health care, strong climate controls, or the many other progressive measures “Red State” congresspersons have long fought.

But as Obama himself has begun pointing out with regularity, the broader his base entering the White House, the broader his mandate for change. While 40% of Bush voters in 2004 may be irrevocably right wing, winning over the other ten percent could prove essential to enacting a progressive agenda in 2009.

Further, it is the responsibility of Obama’s core progressive base, not the independents that voted for him for president, to hold him politically accountable after the election. Bill Clinton was able to break his “Putting People First” campaign promises in 1992 because core Democratic constituencies refused to hold him politically accountable in 1993 and 1994; activists have learned from this mistake, and will not hesitate to mobilize against Obama should he weaken his resolve on progressive issues as the bloggers fear.

These bloggers also pay insufficient attention to the type of campaign messages necessary to win broad support. One gets the impression that these hard-core politicos think that most voters act like they do, carefully parsing through the candidate’s stands on dozens of issues and backing the one with whom they most frequently agree.

But progressive activists who work with disenfranchised or overlooked constituencies on a day-to-day basis know that is not what happens. And, since at least 1976, the winner in U.S. presidential elections has prevailed through big picture themes like “unity,” rather than being the candidate voters most agreed with on a laundry list of issues.

Progressives have long been frustrated by the ability of candidates like Ronald Reagan to win working-class voters. But nobody suggested that Reagan, or Bush for that matter, would be inhibited in pushing their pro-wealthy, pro-corporate agenda by securing working-class votes.

Yet bloggers are suspicious at Obama’s appeal to independent voters. Some take a giant leap in concluding that Obama’s attempt to broaden the Democratic base is a sign that he will allow such backers to water down or “co-opt” his policies as President.

When filmmaker Michael Moore was appointed editor of Mother Jones magazine in the early Reagan years, he challenged progressives to more effectively communicate with the “average” American. Now we have a self-identified progressive candidate who has found almost unprecedented success in reaching independent voters, and the left blogosphere is upset about this.

While the progressive attacks on Obama focus on his non-confrontational rhetoric, his race is often ignored. I’ve heard a number of progressive backers of Edwards discount Obama’s race, arguing that Clarence Thomas and Condoleeza Rice show that race does not dictate one’s politics.

But the American people elected neither Thomas nor Rice, nor Colin Powell.

And given that the United States was founded on slavery and prospered for years through vicious race discrimination against blacks, Obama’s election as President would be not only a profoundly progressive victory, but also a landmark achievement for the nation.

Obama is careful not to highlight his race, but it is safe to say that few among us ever believed that the United States would elect an African-American president. And the only reason this is now possible is because of a new generation that is less racist than their forebears, just as polls show them to be less homophobic and more politically liberal.

If attendance at the Yearly Kos convention is indicative, the progressive blogoshere is overwhelmingly white. Diary entries only rarely address such racial issues as affirmative action or school re-segregation, and even the immigration issue tends only to be discussed as part of political campaigns.

So the historic opportunity to elect an African-American President --- and this is truly unprecendented, as neither Shirley Chisolm in 1972 nor Jesse Jackson in 1988 were ever considered likely Democratic nominees --- has been subtly erased from many progressive bloggers political calculus. And Obama’s remarkable ability to attract white voters --- 96% of Iowa voters were white --- is downplayed, and for some confirms that he lacks the racial “authenticity” of Jackson or Al Sharpton.

John Edwards tried his best, but as Tom Hayden pointed out last week, it’s unclear which if any primary state he can win. So his withdrawal of the race should come sooner rather than later, and his backers in the blogosphere will shift to Obama.

There is no question that Edwards moved the entire Democratic campaign to the left, and he would be a great choice for Obama’s running mate (or future Secretary of Labor.) But young voters particularly saw Obama’s vision as broader and more inclusive, and the son of a Kansas mother and Kenyan father now awaits only a New Hampshire victory to become the nominee.

"Obama gets youth engaged -- and he gets them to vote"


AP via Seattle P-I:
Voters under 30 key to Iowa win--CHICAGO -- He's got social networking pages online. He visits college campuses, where enthusiastic student groups lobby hard to get their peers involved in politics.
Those are, by now, tried-and-true tactics on the presidential campaign trail. But if the results in Iowa are any indication, there is more to Barack Obama's popularity among young voters than his ability to simply reach out to them.

"Anyone can show up on MTV and say they appeal to young people. Anyone can have a Facebook page. But none of that is going to get you young people's support. They're smarter than that," says Ganesh Sitaraman, a 25-year- old law student at Harvard University, who co-edited the book "Invisible Citizens: Youth Politics After September 11."

What Obama seems to have is an "it" factor -- an unusual ability to not only engage young voters, but to get them to actually show up at the polls.

He did it when he ran for the U.S. Senate in Illinois in 2004. He did so again in Iowa on Thursday, when people under age 30 represented more than a fifth of the overall vote in that state's presidential caucuses.

Of those, nearly two-thirds said they were looking for change. And of that group, three-quarters supported Obama, according to a poll conducted for The Associated Press and the television networks.

Young voters have shown signs in recent years of wanting to upend the status quo -- under 30s were the only age group to cast the majority of their votes for Democrat John Kerry in 2004 -- but it has been awhile since a candidate has generated this kind of enthusiasm, says Molly Andolina, a political science professor at Chicago's DePaul University who tracks young voters.

Andolina believes Obama has struck a chord with young people.

"He's been able to capitalize on their yearning to believe in somebody."

At age 46, Obama is too young to be part of the Vietnam era and the old-time Washington establishment that has left so many young people disillusioned.

When endorsing Obama and Republican John McCain, college newspapers in Iowa praised both for sidestepping partisan politics.

Obama's also been praised for addressing issues important to students -- ending the war in Iraq, global warming, accessibility to medical care and making college more affordable -- although all the major Democratic candidates have offered proposals on these issues.

"Young voters feel like these are issues that will land in their laps. They are our problems to solve, not our parents," says Sujatha Jahagirdar, program director for Student PIRGs New Voters Project, which has been mobilizing young people in Iowa, New Hampshire and beyond.

She noted that Republican Mike Huckabee also has shown a willingness to respond directly to students' questions on such issues as global warming.
Howie P.S.: Two previously undecided voters in NH responded favorably to Obama yesterday, as well (video, 01:41).

"What We Learned in Iowa"

From Matt Bai's post in The Caucus (NY Times political blog):
John Edwards is arguing that the party needs to go back to its Rooseveltian roots. Having come to Iowa as a thoughtful advocate for the poor, Edwards leaves the state as a high-decibel crusader for a more partisan kind of presidency, one that would aggressively take on Republicans and their allies in industry.

Hillary Clinton is arguing for a return to the governing model of the 1990s, with its emphasis on pragmatism and achievable change. In her view, what the party needs is another leader who will competently work the levers of government, repelling conservative extremists where necessary but working with Republicans wherever possible.

Then there’s Barack Obama, whose lofty argument centers more on a postpartisan notion of the presidency—the idea that what Democrats need in a president is not a return to industrial-age populism or Clinton-era realism, but a next-generation leader who can recast the debate. Obama holds himself out as the reformer who can persuade others to leave behind the binary and intractable disagreements of the past.

Sunday, January 06, 2008

Obama robocall: "smears"

Ben Smith:
Obama robocall: "smears"

The Obama campaign's new New Hampshire robo-call, of which I've obtained a recording, defends his record on abortion rights.

The speaker is Wendy Frosh, who identifies herself as "chair of the board of Planned Parenthood New England" (which is the sort of thing that makes nonprofit lawyers nervous).

"The false attacks have begun," she says, touting Obama's "100 percent pro-choice record."

"Hillary Clinton’s last-minute smears won’t protect the right to choose but as president, Barack Obama will," she concludes.

"Obama Exclusive: Barack Sits Down for First Interview Since Iowa Win"
ABC News:
Diane Sawyer Talks With the Presidential Hopeful About Debate Performance and More--After pulling off a victory in Iowa, and with only two days before the New Hampshire primary, presidential hopeful Barack Obama, D-Ill., is on fire. He has become the lead topic on the political circuit, and some pundits think Obama has rival Hillary Clinton, D-N.Y. on edge.

The country will watch to see if the Illinois senator can pull off another win in the Granite State, and possibly become the man to beat for the Democratic nomination.

Watch "Good Morning America" Monday to catch Obama's interview with Diane Sawyer, his first sit-down discussion since his victory in the Hawkeye State.

In the interview, Sawyer asked Obama what he thought of how Clinton has been conducting her campaign:

Sawyer: "Do you get angry at her?"

Obama: "Not really. I find the manner in which they've been running their campaign sort of depressing, lately. It was interesting in the debate, Sen. Clinton saying 'don't feed the American people false hopes. Get a reality check, you know?' I mean, you can picture JFK saying, 'we can't go to the moon, it's a false hope. Let's get a reality check.' It's not, sort of, I think, what our tradition has been."

For the "GMA" interview, Obama will touch on his campaign hopes for New Hampshire, his debate performance, and he'll discuss what he really thinks of opponent and former first lady Clinton.

"Why I Believe Bush Must Go"

George McGovern (WaPo op-ed):
Nixon Was Bad. These Guys Are Worse.As we enter the eighth year of the Bush-Cheney administration, I have belatedly and painfully concluded that the only honorable course for me is to urge the impeachment of the president and the vice president.
After the 1972 presidential election, I stood clear of calls to impeach President Richard M. Nixon for his misconduct during the campaign. I thought that my joining the impeachment effort would be seen as an expression of personal vengeance toward the president who had defeated me.

Today I have made a different choice.

Of course, there seems to be little bipartisan support for impeachment. The political scene is marked by narrow and sometimes superficial partisanship, especially among Republicans, and a lack of courage and statesmanship on the part of too many Democratic politicians. So the chances of a bipartisan impeachment and conviction are not promising.

But what are the facts?

Bush and Cheney are clearly guilty of numerous impeachable offenses. They have repeatedly violated the Constitution. They have transgressed national and international law. They have lied to the American people time after time. Their conduct and their barbaric policies have reduced our beloved country to a historic low in the eyes of people around the world. These are truly "high crimes and misdemeanors," to use the constitutional standard.

From the beginning, the Bush-Cheney team's assumption of power was the product of questionable elections that probably should have been officially challenged -- perhaps even by a congressional investigation.

In a more fundamental sense, American democracy has been derailed throughout the Bush-Cheney regime. The dominant commitment of the administration has been a murderous, illegal, nonsensical war against Iraq. That irresponsible venture has killed almost 4,000 Americans, left many times that number mentally or physically crippled, claimed the lives of an estimated 600,000 Iraqis (according to a careful October 2006 study from the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health) and laid waste their country. The financial cost to the United States is now $250 million a day and is expected to exceed a total of $1 trillion, most of which we have borrowed from the Chinese and others as our national debt has now climbed above $9 trillion -- by far the highest in our national history.

All of this has been done without the declaration of war from Congress that the Constitution clearly requires, in defiance of the U.N. Charter and in violation of international law. This reckless disregard for life and property, as well as constitutional law, has been accompanied by the abuse of prisoners, including systematic torture, in direct violation of the Geneva Conventions of 1949.

I have not been heavily involved in singing the praises of the Nixon administration. But the case for impeaching Bush and Cheney is far stronger than was the case against Nixon and Vice President Spiro T. Agnew after the 1972 election. The nation would be much more secure and productive under a Nixon presidency than with Bush. Indeed, has any administration in our national history been so damaging as the Bush-Cheney era?

How could a once-admired, great nation fall into such a quagmire of killing, immorality and lawlessness?

It happened in part because the Bush-Cheney team repeatedly deceived Congress, the press and the public into believing that Saddam Hussein had nuclear arms and other horrifying banned weapons that were an "imminent threat" to the United States. The administration also led the public to believe that Iraq was involved in the 9/11 attacks -- another blatant falsehood. Many times in recent years, I have recalled Jefferson's observation: "Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just."

The basic strategy of the administration has been to encourage a climate of fear, letting it exploit the 2001 al-Qaeda attacks not only to justify the invasion of Iraq but also to excuse such dangerous misbehavior as the illegal tapping of our telephones by government agents. The same fear-mongering has led government spokesmen and cooperative members of the press to imply that we are at war with the entire Arab and Muslim world -- more than a billion people.

Another shocking perversion has been the shipping of prisoners scooped off the streets of Afghanistan to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and other countries without benefit of our time-tested laws of habeas corpus.

Although the president was advised by the intelligence agencies last August that Iran had no program to develop nuclear weapons, he continued to lie to the country and the world. This is the same strategy of deception that brought us into war in the Arabian Desert and could lead us into an unjustified invasion of Iran. I can say with some professional knowledge and experience that if Bush invades yet another Muslim oil state, it would mark the end of U.S. influence in the crucial Middle East for decades.

Ironically, while Bush and Cheney made counterterrorism the battle cry of their administration, their policies -- especially the war in Iraq -- have increased the terrorist threat and reduced the security of the United States. Consider the difference between the policies of the first President Bush and those of his son. When the Iraqi army marched into Kuwait in August 1990, President George H.W. Bush gathered the support of the entire world, including the United Nations, the European Union and most of the Arab League, to quickly expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait. The Saudis and Japanese paid most of the cost. Instead of getting bogged down in a costly occupation, the administration established a policy of containing the Baathist regime with international arms inspectors, no-fly zones and economic sanctions. Iraq was left as a stable country with little or no capacity to threaten others.

Today, after five years of clumsy, mistaken policies and U.S. military occupation, Iraq has become a breeding ground of terrorism and bloody civil strife. It is no secret that former president Bush, his secretary of state, James A. Baker III, and his national security adviser, Gen. Brent Scowcroft, all opposed the 2003 invasion and occupation of Iraq.

In addition to the shocking breakdown of presidential legal and moral responsibility, there is the scandalous neglect and mishandling of the Hurricane Katrina catastrophe. The veteran CNN commentator Jack Cafferty condenses it to a sentence: "I have never ever seen anything as badly bungled and poorly handled as this situation in New Orleans." Any impeachment proceeding must include a careful and critical look at the collapse of presidential leadership in response to perhaps the worst natural disaster in U.S. history.

Impeachment is unlikely, of course. But we must still urge Congress to act. Impeachment, quite simply, is the procedure written into the Constitution to deal with presidents who violate the Constitution and the laws of the land. It is also a way to signal to the American people and the world that some of us feel strongly enough about the present drift of our country to support the impeachment of the false prophets who have led us astray. This, I believe, is the rightful course for an American patriot.

As former representative Elizabeth Holtzman, who played a key role in the Nixon impeachment proceedings, wrote two years ago, "it wasn't until the most recent revelations that President Bush directed the wiretapping of hundreds, possibly thousands, of Americans, in violation of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) -- and argued that, as Commander in Chief, he had the right in the interests of national security to override our country's laws -- that I felt the same sinking feeling in my stomach as I did during Watergate. . . . A President, any President, who maintains that he is above the law -- and repeatedly violates the law -- thereby commits high crimes and misdemeanors."

I believe we have a chance to heal the wounds the nation has suffered in the opening decade of the 21st century. This recovery may take a generation and will depend on the election of a series of rational presidents and Congresses. At age 85, I won't be around to witness the completion of the difficult rebuilding of our sorely damaged country, but I'd like to hold on long enough to see the healing begin.

There has never been a day in my adult life when I would not have sacrificed that life to save the United States from genuine danger, such as the ones we faced when I served as a bomber pilot in World War II. We must be a great nation because from time to time, we make gigantic blunders, but so far, we have survived and recovered.
Howie P.S.: I kept looking for something that would tell me why McGovern has, as he says, "belatedly" reached his present conclusion.

Democratic Debate: Four Videos


hillaryclintondotcom, video (00:30):
Words are not action--and as beautifully presented and passionately felt as they are, they are not action. What we've got to do is translate talk into action and feeling into reality. I have a long record of doing that, of taking on the very interests that you have just rightly excoriated because of the overdue influence that they have in our government.


BarackObamadotcom, video (01:27):
After others criticize him for inspiring Americans with real change, Barack Obama lays out how Americans are determined to see true change occur.


johnedwards, video (01:55):
John Edwards is asked to describe one of his greatest Senate accomplishments - the Patients' Bill of Rights. He goes on to talk about the personal nature of his lifelong work, fighting against powerful insurance companies and special interests. "We need a president who believes deeply in this battle." Recorded during the Democratic debate sponsored by ABC News, WMUR, and Facebook on Saturday, January 5, 2008.


belo4555, video (03:34):
News analysis of undecided voters in New Hampshire shows strong support for change and the campaign of Barack Obama.

Saturday, January 05, 2008

Pre NH Debate Reading List

"Clinton on the attack as Obama takes lead"

"The Obama Phenomenon"

"After Iowa, Challenges Lie Ahead for Obama"

Clinton aides hint that now things'll get nasty"

"Edwards Makes His Case to N.H. Voters"

"HRC team retools strategy, predicts N.H. win"

"Speaking of faith, Obama does"

"An Analysis on Clinton After Iowa - CNN.com"

"Obama, Romney to be Targets in ABC's Saturday Night Debates"

ABC News:
MANCHESTER, N.H. --Ten presidential candidates (six Republicans, four Democrats) will pull up swiveling chairs and take to the very same debate stage Saturday night in Manchester for two of those encounters on the presidential calendar that merit circling in bright red (and blue) magic marker.
ABC's Charles Gibson has a bit of a different format in mind for the evening than we've seen in previous encounters -- more genial than gotcha, like a very chatty (and very well-lit) kitchen table. But the candidates will surely provide the fireworks: In this excruciatingly brief window between Iowa and New Hampshire, subtly just doesn't work.

The dynamics would be different even if the format was the same: We have the time crunch, of course, but we also have new frontrunners: "Barack Obama enters Saturday's Democratic debate as the undisputed front-runner with a bull's-eye on his back -- and a humbled and hobbled Hillary Clinton itching to open fire," writes the New York Daily News troika of Michael McAuliff, Ken Bazinet, and Michael Saul.

The Republicans get their 90 minutes first, starting at 7 pm ET from Saint Anselm College and broadcast live on ABC nation-wide -- good entertainment while you're staying up late waiting for returns from the Wyoming caucuses (and you know who you are).

The Democrats kick off shortly after that -- following the photo-op of all photo-ops: All 10 on stage at once, sharing handshakes and awkward conversation.

The aftermath of the Iowa earthquake wasn't pretty for Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, D-N.Y. The takeaway from the "100 Club" dinner Friday night in Milford, N.H., is simple enough to give Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill., another round in the scorecard: Clinton was booed, while Obama's supporters were so energetic that organizers were worried about the security situation.

"Three thousand people packed the auditorium and it seems like there are many more Obama supporters than Clinton supporters," ABC's Eloise Harper and Sunlen Miller report.

"It was not Clinton's best performance."

And this was not the headline she wanted out of her first post-Iowa day: "Hillary Booed at NH Democratic Party Dinner." "When Obama, the dinner's last speaker, took the stage the crowd surged forward chanting 'O-bam-a' and 'Fired Up, Ready to Go!' " Time's Jay Newton-Small reports.

"So many people pressed toward the stage that an announcer asked people to 'please take their seats for safety concerns.' By comparison Hillary was twice booed."

Clinton didn't even wait for her flight to land in New Hampshire to start changing her campaign's message. "I think everybody needs to be vetted and tested," she told reporters upon landing. And this, which Sen. Barack Obama's campaign should read as a warning: "I'm not doing this as an exercise."

Yet one Democrat with close ties to the Clinton campaign tells The Note that Clinton won't run any negative ads against Obama, out of a fear of a backlash in this hyper-politicized crunch between Iowa and New Hampshire.

So the dirty work falls to surrogates and oppo-researchers, who got off to a rollicking start, per ABC's Kate Snow. "While the senator was vague, her campaign pointed out to ABC News examples of Obama's liberal positions, including his 2004 statement to abolish mandatory minimum sentences for federal crimes," Snow writes.

"They also pointed out a statement Obama made in 2003 that he was 'a proponent of a single payer health care program,' which he no longer seems to support today."

Former President Bill Clinton tells Snow that his wife can turn things around, but adds: "I just wish we had 10 days instead of five."

He's right: Redefining a campaign inside of five days is never easy. Redefining a campaign that's the product of years of meticulous planning -- and hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of (sometimes) smart strategic advice -- is a monumental task. And it's one that was not completed inside of the first 24 hours after Iowa.

"Mrs. Clinton is recalibrating her message in hopes of producing Comeback Kid: The Sequel," Patrick Healy and John M. Broder write in The New York Times. "She said she wanted to appeal to young people, and surrounded herself with them at the rally [in Nashua], in contrast to her caucus night party where older, familiar faces from the Clinton administration and her political team stood out." (You mean Madeleine Albright isn't the face of change?)

"Yet many of the challenges and questions she faced in Iowa -- like Clinton fatigue and the generational showdown with Mr. Obama -- remained part of her baggage as she flew east," write Healy and Broder. (They even work in a Monica quote from a voter).

And they document just enough infighting to keep things really interesting over at Camp Clinton: "One longtime adviser complained that the campaign's senior strategist, Mark Penn, realized too late that 'change' was a much more powerful message than 'experience.' Another adviser said Mr. Penn and Mr. Clinton were consumed with polling data for so long, they did not fully grasp the personality deficit that Mrs. Clinton had with voters."

The bruised-but-not-beaten narrative would seem to be the favorite storyline -- but Sen. Clinton isn't leading with humility. Rather than acknowledge defeat and say she's learning from the licks she's taken, she's . . . slamming Iowa?

Imagine how badly Clinton would have lost the caucuses if these sentences were uttered 24 hours earlier: "You're not disenfranchised if you work at night," she said of the New Hampshire primary. "You're not disenfranchised if you're not in the state."

Clinton also declared herself "the most innocent" of all the Democrats, a reference to the fact that Obama is untested and less vetted (and that is a fact). But the problem is that the jury hasn't come back yet.

While voters deliberate, this has got to change, and fast: "Her speech, delivered less than 13 hours after the caucus, was remarkable for the number of new elements introduced in it -- including an explicit reference to the possibility of another terrorist attack," The Boston Globe's Michael Kranish reports.

"The 40-minute speech touched on so many themes that it seemed as if Clinton had not yet settled on her fundamental argument on why New Hampshire voters should disregard her resounding Iowa defeat."

"For those who counseled that she could not campaign both as an agent of change and the most experienced candidate in the race, Clinton had a clear answer: Her two-sided message would not be altered much," report The Washington Post's Anne Kornblut, Jonathan Weisman, and Paul Kane. "Clinton did not appear ready to embrace her defeat, instead trying aggressively to move past it."

It's far easier to embrace victory, and the candidate and crowds carried no shortage of enthusiasm in Obamaland: "There's no destiny we cannot fulfill," the Chicago Tribune's Jill Zuckman writes. "That's been the premise of this campaign."

Momentum is a powerful force in politics, and Obama carried it through day one of this five-day spring; whether he does so in day two depends almost entirely on the debate. "The winnowing of the field opens the way for Illinois Sen. Obama . . . to build on his momentum," Jackie Calmes and Amy Chozick report in The Wall Street Journal. "New Hampshire could shape up as friendly turf for Mr. Obama. Independent voters, who have responded to his campaign message of changing Washington, outnumber both Democrats and Republicans in the Granite State."

On the Republican side, former governor Mike Huckabee, R-Ark., won Iowa, but the momentum -- quite predictably -- belongs to Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz. "Mr. McCain is the latest beneficiary of the continuing upheaval in the Republican field that has seen nearly all of the candidates rising at various points," Adam Nagourney and Carl Hulse report in The New York Times.

And here's why it matters that Romney would be the last kid chosen if the Republican field was one (exceedingly dorky) gym class: "Complicating Mr. Romney's life even more, Mr. Huckabee's campaign manager, Ed Rollins, suggested he was entering something of a temporary alliance of interest with Mr. McCain against Mr. Romney," Nagourney and Hulse reports. Said Rollins: "We're going to see if we can't take Romney out. . . . We like John. Nobody likes Romney."

Good luck on stage, governor. And good luck defeating not only McCain but New Hampshire's most influential newspaper among Republicans.

"Sen. John McCain wore the look of a confident man yesterday as his campaign bus rolled through the Merrimack Valley," the New Hampshire Union Leader's Scott Brooks writes.

"The landscape seemed different yesterday for Republicans in New Hampshire, a state that just a month ago was considered a stronghold for former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney. Romney took a distant second in Iowa Thursday, a disappointing finish that could only heighten the pressure on him to win the nation's first primary."

Romney supporters Sen. Judd Gregg, R-N.H., told ABC News on Friday that the Union Leader's backing makes McCain even more formidable than he otherwise would have been. "The Union Leader gives McCain a very serious base, like the Christian right base for Huckabee in Iowa," Gregg said.

His spin: Second place is OK for Romney. The reality: It's not.

"Stung by Huckabee, Romney now faces the real possibility of a defeat here at McCain's hands that would severely damage his candidacy," Dan Balz and Shailagh Murray write in The Washington Post. Romney had three fresh words for McCain that do a fairly good job of summing up his new message: "He is Washington," Romney said.

"Washington is Broken," reads the sparkling new sign at Romney's Saturday morning event in Derry, N.H., ABC's John Berman reports.

"Mitt Romney is hopping on Barack Obama's bandwagon . . . sort of," write ABC's Berman, Ursula Fahy, and Matt Stuart. The blatant, repeated emphasis on 'change' represents a change for Romney, who while always touting himself as an outsider and a 'turnaround' master, has focused on his social, economic, and security credentials in recent days.

Romney: "People want change. . . . Everywhere I have been, I have brought change."

Romney's got new negative ads hitting McCain, but roughing up McCain in New Hampshire is far different than defining Huckabee in Iowa should have been -- and we saw how well that worked out.

McCain's feeling buoyant: "How about 'The Mac is back?' " he said. "How about that?" The Los Angeles Times' James Rainey and Maeve Reston: "McCain's new effervescence stemmed not only from the strong crowds of voters and reporters who followed him here but from the knowledge that his chief New Hampshire rival -- former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney -- had been deflated by his disappointing second-place finish in Thursday's Iowa caucuses."

Despite his win, Huckabee benefits from low expectations, since everyone knows going in that evangelicals are harder to find in New Hampshire than Iowa. "That will not be the pool of voters in far more secular and libertarian New Hampshire, where many take the state motto 'Live Free or Die' literally," ABC's Jake Tapper reports.

Said Huckabee: "A big tent revival out on the grounds of the Concord state capitol? We'll get 'em all converted to the evangelical faith and then we'll win." (Offer them some Red Sox tickets -- Monstuh seats -- and some Dunkin' Donuts and maybe you've got a chance, governor.)

Short of that, Matthew Dowd has some advice for the candidates on his ABC blog (and the debate is important): "Huckabee is going to need to prove fairly quickly that he can win votes outside of evangelical voters and that is going to be tough in New Hampshire. He needs to prove his support isn't limited to one group. He needs to convey a sense of seriousness that is beyond the jovial attitude.

New Hampshire Secretary of State Bill Gardner's prediction: record turnout, topping 500,000. "Gardner is predicting 260,000 residents will vote in the Democratic primary and 240,000 will vote in the Republican primary," per the Concord Monitor's blog. "He predicts that 150,000 undeclared voters -- who can choose which primary to vote in -- will cast votes. Of those, he thinks 90,000 will choose to vote in the Democratic primary and 60,000 in the Republican."

Get all of the candidates' schedules, and more on Saturday's debates, in The Note's "Sneak Peek."

Also in the news:

There's an actual real contest on tap on Saturday: Wyoming Republicans are caucusing to choose 12 Republican National Convention delegates, with results expected about 5 pm ET. "Don't forget Wyoming," AP's Mead Gruver writes. (But most of the candidates have.) "Whether anyone has an advantage is unknown," Gruver continues. "There has been no public polling, and those familiar with the results of the Republican precinct caucuses held last month said no clear candidate emerged when delegates to the county conventions were selected."

The Weekly Standard's John McCormack handicaps Wyoming as a Romney-Ron Paul duel. "Romney has had the most active campaign in the state -- his sons have personally contacted a number of people across Wyoming," he writes -- and two of the five brothers will be there Saturday evening. "But it's hard to say how the election will turn out. With so few people voting tomorrow, it's conceivable that Ron Paul's zealous supporters could persuade enough people to poach a few national delegates."

Former senator John Edwards, D-N.C., is casting the race as between himself and Obama -- and good luck with that. He "juggled the roles of underdog and victor" on the trail on Friday, Chelsea Conaboy reports in the Concord Monitor. He knows he is in Red Sox Nation: "New Hampshire knows what it's like to be the underdog and to run against a team from New York with all the money in the world," he said. "I embrace it."

Edwards is also answering questions about his wife's health: "Elizabeth's great I have to tell you -- and that's the truth," Edwards said Friday in New Hampshire, after being asked by a voter about rumors that she's not well, ABC's Raelyn Johnson writes. "You tell anybody that you're on the phone with and whoever is circulating those rumors they're false, and Elizabeth is doing great, feels great and she's healthy."

The Boston Globe's Peter Canellos writes up the different economic face of the Republican Party. "For decades, Republicans sought to reach beyond their traditional base of business-oriented, upper-income voters by wooing blue-collar voters through social issues and appeals to patriotism," Canellos writes. "But Thursday in Iowa, working-class Republicans flexed their muscles, sending former governor Mike Huckabee of Arkansas to a clear victory over businessman Mitt Romney - and leaving some upper-income conservatives to wonder whether they are in control of their party anymore."

The blogosphere is a-buzz with an entry from the department of "RATS" -- brought to you by Romney media guru Alex Castellanos, who brought us the infamous 2000 Bush-Cheney ad. Actually, this one flashes the less sexy word "rati" for a millisecond or so -- a piece of the anti-McCain word "immigration," HuffingtonPost's Sam Stein writes in rounding up the blogs. "Over-imaginative scrutiny of a screenshot," said Romney spokesperson Kevin Madden. "It's the same sort of reasoning that would argue that the 'gal' in the word 'illegal' is a subliminal appeal to female voters."

As Clinton seeks to attract young voters, why can't that young person who's at her side utter actual meaningful words in public? The Washington Post's Lois Romano tries to answer the question of the silent 27-year-old former first daughter: "At this point it's not clear whether it is the parents or the child who is resisting," she writes. Said a longtime aide: "Believe me, we'd love to have her out there. . . . It's Chelsea -- she won't do it and her parents respect that."

Rep. Ron Paul, R-Texas, is spending at least a small chunk of his giant bankroll on New Hampshire and South Carolina television, ABC's Z. Byron Wolf reports. "Paul will air a new ad in New Hampshire to cast his opposition to the war in Iraq as support for the troops," Wolf writes. "Based on similar ads he ran in Iowa, the New Hampshire ad points to a study earlier in the campaign cycle that found members of the military gave more campaign contributions to Paul than any other Republican candidate."

Think former senator Fred Thompson, R-Tenn., is excited to be in New Hampshire? "It's about South Carolina and getting to South Carolina, and the South Carolina campaign really starts today," Thompson said Friday, per ABC's Christine Byun. He's here for the debates, Saturday night on ABC and Sunday night on Fox News Channel -- and that's it. "Thompson does not have public events scheduled for this weekend leading to the primary," Byun reports.

Rep. Dennis Kucinich, D-Ohio, didn't make the cut for ABC's Saturday night debate under the network's standards, and he's filed an FCC complaint against the network. "Kucinich argued that ABC is violating equal-time provisions by keeping him out of the debate, per the AP's write-up.

The networks rules predated Iowa. Candidates had to meet at least one of three criteria: place first through fourth in Iowa, poll 5 percent or higher in one of the last four major New Hampshire surveys, or poll 5 percent or higher in one of the last four major national surveys. Those rules are also keeping former senator Mike Gravel, D-Alaska, and Rep. Duncan Hunter, R-Calif., off the stage.

"Here you will have more time to go in depth on the issues," says ABC political director David Chalian.

The kicker:

"What we learned last night is that the status quo is yesterday, and change is tomorrow and tomorrow begins today." -- Former senator John Edwards. (But what if tomorrow is Sunday, and two more tomorrows after that is primary day?)

"What we're going to do to change Washington is to bring someone in -- I'm talking about me." -- Mitt Romney, tossing subtlety aside.

I'll be live-blogging both debates from inside the debate hall at Saint Anselm College in Manchester. Watch them on ABC and be part of the conversation online here.

A reminder: Saturday's debates -- sponsored by ABC News, Facebook and WMUR-TV -- will be held at Saint Anselm College in Manchester, N.H. Republicans will debate from 7-8:30 pm ET and Democrats will follow from approximately 8:45-10:15 pm ET. The two 90-minute debates, moderated by ABC's Charlie Gibson with questions from WMUR anchor and political director Scott Spradling, will air in primetime on the ABC Television Network.
Howie P.S: The debate will broadcast on tape delay in Seattle from 7-11pm on KOMO TV4. As noted above, the Democratic debates will air immediately after the Republican one.