Tuesday, January 22, 2008

"Zip It, Bill!"

Karen Russell (Huffington Post):
Senator Obama nailed it during the South Carolina debate when he mentioned Bill Clinton, "I can't tell who I'm running against sometimes."
Don't get me wrong. I love Bill Clinton. I always have. I hope I always will. But lately, not so much.

In the 90's President Clinton's slickness was just sad and creepy. I remember "slick" Clinton when he fibbed that he "didn't inhale". I cringed when Clinton wagged his finger at America insisting that he did not "have sexual relations with that woman." I was downright embarrassed when, with a straight-face, Clinton declared "that depends on the definition of what "is" is.

Well, "slick" Clinton is back. Frankly, I'm disappointed.

Before Iowa, "Hillary the Inevitable" had the numbers, the machine and the name on her side in this race. Despite being the clear and unequivocal underdog, Obama built a grassroots campaign, brought in independents and got disillusioned Republicans to cross the aisle.

Obama starting gaining ground and closing the gap. That's when the "fun" started. That's when Hillary told reporters about her plans to attack Obama.

For months, we saw "the inevitable frontrunner" running a tight and disciplined campaign. Then as Obama rose in the polls, suddenly Hillary and her surrogates started dropping a series of "misunderstood" slurs. They fit a familiar pattern, "smear, play dumb, own up and apologize". Rinse, lather and repeat.

We are supposed to believe that as Obama gained ground on Clinton that it's just mere coincidence that Clinton surrogates painted Obama as a risky "shucking and jiving", "roll of the dice", "cocaine-loving", "drug-dealing", "Reagan-loving", "closet-Muslim" , "fairytale-living", "establishment", "less black than President Clinton" "rookie"?

We are supposed to believe that these are isolated "mistakes". Remember these are the people who went after Senator Obama's kindergarten record and then tried play it off as a joke.

Now it appears that "Trasher-in-Chief" Bill is in charge of keeping the "fun" going. Apparently, the Clinton campaign figured out that having Hillary taking the cheap shots at her opponents made her less "likable".

It started with Clinton trashing Obama on the war. When a red-faced and angry Clinton twisted Obama's anti-war record calling it a "fairytale". However, according to the New York Times, " a review of Mr. Obama's statements on Iraq since 2002 shows that he has opposed the war against Saddam Hussein consistently, calling it ''dumb'' and ''rash.'' "

All of the Clinton's huffing and puffing won't change the fact that Hillary Clinton voted for the war and that Obama has always been against it.

Then in Nevada, Clinton claimed that Obama was running ads "telling Republicans that they ought to just register as Democrats for a day so they can beat Hillary and go out and be Republicans next week and vote in the primary. Doesn't sound like the new politics to me."

This simply isn't true. Those ads don't exist. To many, the idea of getting Republicans to cross the aisle and become "Obama Republicans" is appealing. Remind me again, what is wrong with trying to woo independents and Republicans? Taylor Marsh seems to think there's something wrong with that.

Ms. Marsh, also ran with the Clinton exaggeration of voter intimidation, "New York Sen. Hillary Clinton's campaign had a story it wanted to tell this week, so it turned to a friendly blogger. Taylor Marsh, who in the past has been paid by a union now backing Clinton, quickly ran with the story: Members of the Culinary Union were being intimidated to vote for Illinois Sen. Barack Obama, whom the union endorsed last week. Under scrutiny, the story didn't exactly pan out. But no matter."

President Clinton went on to claim Obama said Republicans had all the good ideas, "Her principal opponent said that since 1992, the Republicans have had all the good ideas...I can't imagine any Democrat seeking the presidency would say they were the party of new ideas for the last 15 years. But it sounded good in Reno I guess...So now it turns out you can choose between somebody who thinks our ideas or better or the Republicans had all the good ideas."

The Clinton assertion that Obama said Republicans had "all the good ideas" just isn't true. Obama said the Republican challenged "conventional wisdom" and moved the country in a fundamentally different direction and that we Democrats can learn from that strategy. That people wanted optimism, clarity and to talk differently about issues and values. Obama pointed out that the unfortunately the Republican ideas promoted by this strategy were bad and wrong.

When Obama was asked how his being the nominee would help other Democrats get elected he said,

"I think Ronald Reagan changed the trajectory of America in a way that, you know, Richard Nixon did not and in a way that Bill Clinton did not. He put us on a fundamentally different path because the country was ready for it. They felt like, you know, with all the excesses of the 60s and the 70s and government had grown and grown but there wasn't much sense of accountability in terms of how it was operating and he tapped into what people were already feeling. Which is, people wanted clarity, we want optimism, we want a return to that sense of dynamic and entrepreneurship that had been missing, alright? I think Kennedy, twenty years earlier, moved the country in a fundamentally different direction. So I think a lot of it just has to do with the times. I think we're in one of those times right now. Where people feel like things as they are going aren't working. We're bogged down in the same arguments that we've been having, and they're not useful. And, you know, the Republican approach, I think, has played itself out. I think it's fair to say the Republicans were the party of ideas for a pretty long chunk of time there over the last ten, fifteen years, in the sense that they were challenging conventional wisdom. Now, you've heard it all before. You look at the economic policies when they're being debated among the Presidential candidates and it's all tax cuts. Well, you know, we've done that, we tried it. That's not really going to solve our energy problems, for example. So, some of it's the times. And some of it's, I think, there's maybe a generation element to this, partly. In the sense that there's a, I didn't did come of age in the battles of the 60s. I'm not as invested in them. And so I think I talk differently about issues. And I think I talk differently about values. And that's why, I think we've been resonating with the American people."

Senator Clinton continued "the twist" of Obama's words during the debate. Why is Team Billary twisting the facts on Senator Obama? They are playing to win, truth be damned. Campaigning for his wife is one thing but continuing to trash Obama with misrepresentations is frankly disappointing. Daddy Bush didn't trash John McCain when McCain was running against Shrub. Clinton needs to rein it in. If Hillary can't control Bill or her surrogates, why do we believe she's ready to lead on day one?

Think about how the Clinton campaign responded to Bob Johnson's smear. When she was caught between a rock and a big donor, look how she responded.

First, they denied it was a smear and "took him on his word". Yeah, right. Unlike less powerful surrogates, they couldn't get Johnson to walk the plank. Finally, after Johnson was rightfully shamed into apologizing, Clinton conveniently flip-flopped claiming Johnson was "out of bounds". Hillary was for the smear before she was against it. It's familiar territory for her.

And, if it's true that Hillary is not campaigning in South Carolina, this is just the Clintons lowering expectations.

That despite Clinton LEADING in South Carolina for months, if she loses there, it is no big whoop because she stopped campaigning there and lots and lots of those voters are black! Lots!

Well, as recently as October, African-Americans favored Clinton over Obama 57 percent to 33 percent. Now, only after months of campaigning against "Hillary the Inevitable" and proving that he is electable, Obama has flipped those numbers.


I do have to hand it to the Clintons, they are the masters of lowering expectations.
Howie P.S.: In case you don't know, Karen Russell lives in Seattle and is the daughter of basketball great Bill Russell.

"EDWARDS EXCELS IN FEROCIOUS DEMOCRATIC DEBATE" (with video)


Ari Melber, with video (02:55) (The Nation):
Maybe Nevada was a turning point in the Democratic presidential race, because Monday's CNN debate started tough and got unusually ugly in a hurry.
Barack Obama continued to challenge both Clintons for pushing a series of assertions that were "not factually accurate," teeing off controversial comments that the former President made about the Nevada Caucus. Accused of inaccuracy, Sen. Clinton hit back with inaccuracy, claiming that Obama said he "really liked" President Reagan's ideas. In fact, Obama actually said Reagan helped establish the GOP as "the party of ideas," which Obama was quick to stress in a rebuttal. Then he applied the Stoller Maxim -- use your rivals' lies to reveal their character -- to argue that Clinton's conduct raises questions about whether she can earn the public trust and be an effective advocate for change. "Truthfulness during campaigns matters," he thundered for emphasis.

Clinton was more Rovian in her attacks, as she tried to pin Obama with her own foibles. Assailing his "present" votes in the Illinois Senate, Clinton chided Obama: "It is very difficult having a straight up debate with you because you never take responsibility!" The accusation drew boos from the crowd. (The Times reported that Clinton's line caused "huge boos from the audience for the first time.") Yet while Clinton and Obama exchanged their personal barbs, John Edwards broke through with the best arguments of the night.

Edwards tweaked both his opponents for making the debate about political squabbling instead of public policy. Returning to his populist economic platform -- especially salient as Americans ponder a recession -- he reminded voters that he was the only candidate to outline a comprehensive plan to end poverty, and the first to introduce a national economic stimulus proposal. His plan came out weeks before Clinton and Obama. The program drove the "party's policy agenda," as Paul Krugman explained, by advocating "aid to unemployed workers, aid to cash-strapped state and local governments," and alternative energy, (most of which Clinton later adopted in her plan).
And while the debate moderators kept pushing trite racial questions, even asking Obama if Bill Clinton was the "first black president," Edwards outlined a vision of racial and economic equality, where "every American is of equal value."

Monday, January 21, 2008

"Debate Bloggin'" (with video)

Josh Marshall (TPM) with video (07:36):
8:23 Economy, economy, e-c-o-n-o-m-y ...

8:24 "You gave a great speech..."

8:29 PM ... Man, this can degenerate pretty quickly, can't it? Each side got in a couple really low blows there. I still think Hillary is just intentionally misrepresenting what Obama said about Reagan. It makes me cringe. As much I like her, it makes me cringe.
8:41 PM ... The one thing I'll say on Hillary's behalf is that she's right. There's nothing that's happening to Obama now that won't come at him at three or four times the ferocity if he's nominated.

8:43 PM ... Just when I'm seeing Hillary's side of things, she comes back with crap like this 'present' stuff. Anybody who's looked into this knows the whole 'present' thing is garbage. It's a standard thing in the Illinois legislature. Here's the NYTimes fairly critical article on the 'present' issue, which nonetheless gets at the nub of the issue that in almost every case this is a standard part of legislative procedure in Illinois.

8:54 PM ... This health insurance for illegals is sort of a weird question since the emphasis that Blitzer puts on the question makes it sound like he's asking the candidates to justify the non-inclusion of illegals -- which somehow I don't think they're worried about justifying.

8:57 PM ... In these extemporaneous policy discussions I always find myself wishing Obama could be more clear and concise. But my wishes don't seem to come true.

8:58 PM ... Edwards comparison of 'choice' in health care to 'choice' is Social Security is a pretty good analogy.

9:00 PM ... I find myself refinding my positive feelings for Hillary, my gut level support, when she talks about herself as a fighter, about her never giving up, being there today and tomorrow. And then she launches into these attacks and she starts to lose me.

9:03 PM ... Did no one mention to Joe Johns that that de-baathification law seems to have been a complete sham which will allow for more purging of Sunnis. Guess he didn't get the note.

9:05 PM ... TPM Reader MF writes in: "I understand that the New York Times has basically outlined why Obama voted "Present" while in the Illinois legislature. However, and I think a lot of beltway or New York people miss this, not everyone reads the New York Times. It is Obama's responsibility to explain the "Present" votes to the electorate and not to simply rely on a New York Times article. He was given an ample chance to explain the votes and in my view he failed." On this point, I've got to agree with MF. No fun going into a general election with a candidate who can't concisely explain why bogus charges are bogus. No fun blogging and blogging and blogging trying to debamboozle on their behalf.

9:07 PM ... A somewhat contrary view from TPM Reader SM: "To the extent that her "humanizing" moment of emotion helped her win NH, I'm wondering whether Sen. Clinton's jarring, attacking, and frankly groundless personal attacks against Sen. Obama will re-instigate the pre-NH narrative about her, namely that she is cold, calculating, triangulating, and when threatened, resorts to the politics of personal destruction. If she thinks this kind of performance is going to play well in the general election, she is wildly mistaken. This kind of performance will alienate independents, not motivate them."

In case you missed that big Clinton-Obama flare-up near the beginning of the debate, relieve the brutal moments ...


"Clinton, Obama clash at debate"

AP:
Democrats Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama clashed bitterly Monday over Bill Clinton's role in his wife's campaign and Obama's recent praise for Republicans in a presidential debate five days before the pivotal South Carolina primary.

After a brief discussion of the nation's economic woes, the debate devolved into an angry exchange between the two senators, with Clinton noting Obama had taken campaign contributions from a political patron facing fraud charges and Obama calling Clinton a "corporate lawyer sitting on the board of Wal-Mart."

As Obama tried to defend his comments about Republicans and Ronald Reagan, Clinton interrupted and said she has never criticized his remarks on Reagan.

"Your husband did," said Obama, who has accused the former president of misrepresenting his record.

"I'm here. He's not," she snapped.

John Edwards, who badly trails his two rivals, tried to stay above the fray while pleading for equal time.

"Are there three people in this debate, not two?" he asked.

"We have got to understand, this is not about us personally. It's about what we are trying to do for this country," Edwards said to applause from the audience.

South Carolina holds its primary Saturday.

Clinton and Obama called for tax rebates for individuals to help with home heating and other short-term needs. But Obama claimed he was first with the idea, saying Clinton had "caught up" with him.

Edwards tried to make a distinction by pointing out that Clinton and Obama supported a trade deal with Peru. "South Carolina has been devastated by NAFTA and trade deals," Edwards said.

Obama responded by criticized Edwards for voting for permanent trade relations with China and struck out at Clinton for saying last year that NAFTA has been boon to the economy. "I think it's been devastating," Obama said.
Howie P.S: I don't have cable and I can't get the CNN plug in to play online. Post your comments.Please. Ben Smith (a Clinton sympathizer in my opinion) is live-blogging.

"Barack Obama Speaks at Dr. King's Church" (video)


BarackObamadotcom, video :(34:00)
On the day before the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday, Senator Barack Obama delivers a speech to the congregation of Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia.
Howie P.S.: "Obama takes on question of faith" (AP)addresses the issue in a political context.

"With a Contest in Chaos, Predictions Are Futile"

John Harwood (NY Times):
People paying close attention to the 2008 presidential race have no idea what will happen next. The contest keeps defying precedents.
After defeating Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton in the Iowa Democratic caucuses, Senator Barack Obama failed to win the New Hampshire primary. Mrs. Clinton followed her victory in New Hampshire by turning out the most supporters in the Nevada caucuses, only to see Mr. Obama claim an edge in the delegates in that state. She trails in South Carolina, the next Democratic contest.

The Republican race is even more disordered. Mike Huckabee stumbled in New Hampshire after winning Iowa, Senator John McCain stumbled in Michigan after winning New Hampshire, and Mitt Romney abandoned South Carolina after winning Michigan.

Overlapping historical currents may be responsible. The first election in a half-century with no incumbent president or vice president running features the first serious female and African-American contenders, the oldest-ever New Hampshire winner and a primary schedule accelerated like never before.

In the parlance of physics, a result is entropy. In medical terminology, it is a trend line as flat as the EEG of a brain-dead pundit.

Good Fortune

A little over a week before the Florida Republican primary on Jan. 29, this chaos is a gift for Mike DuHaime, the campaign manager for Rudolph W. Giuliani.

Mr. DuHaime had always planned on a competitive race — but for entirely different reasons. He assumed that Mr. Giuliani’s strengths on terrorism and electability would let him withstand the momentum of winners from states Mr. Giuliani bypassed. In fact, Mr. Giuliani’s strength has ebbed for months. But early winners have not generated much momentum, either.

The post-Sept. 11 prominence of national security, Republican ennui, a shifting Democratic race — all of that “leads to a level of uncertainty, creates more of an X factor,” Mr. DuHaime said.

The bottom line: Florida polls show Mr. Giuliani, despite dismal showings thus far, roughly even with Mr. McCain for the lead.

Brain Tease

The possibility of a Giuliani victory sounds astonishing to Daron Shaw, a University of Texas political scientist who worked for George W. Bush’s presidential campaigns. Dr. Shaw expected Mr. Obama in New Hampshire and Mr. McCain in Michigan to benefit from voters’ long-demonstrated propensity to flock toward expected winners.

“If Giuliani wins Florida,” he said, “you’ve got a real case for saying, ‘Is momentum dead?’ ”

Despite winner-take-all Republican rules devised to propel front-runners toward the nomination, Dr. Shaw expects Mr. Huckabee to accumulate delegates in Southern contests on Feb. 5, Mr. McCain to score in the West and the wealthy Mr. Romney and the well-known Mr. Giuliani to battle in the Northeast.

Like all political analysts, Dr. Shaw scans for patterns from past campaigns. The closest parallel he finds is 1976. That places Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Obama in the roles of President Gerald R. Ford and Ronald Reagan, then a formidable Republican primary challenger. The 2008 Republican field, meanwhile, would then resemble what was seen as an underwhelming Democratic field of Jimmy Carter, Henry Jackson and Morris Udall.

Lessons Learned?

Sergio Bendixen, a Clinton strategist who is a veteran of three decades of Democratic primary contests, comforts himself with memories of 1984. Then, the Democratic front-runner, Walter Mondale, overcame an insurgent, Gary Hart, by demanding “Where’s the beef?” and rallying establishment politicians and blue-collar voters.

That resembles Mrs. Clinton’s script for defeating Mr. Obama. Her diminished but persistent lead in national polls augurs well for contests on Feb. 5 in 22 states. Working-class Democrats still outvote their reform-minded upscale counterparts, and Mrs. Clinton’s edge among the Hispanic electorate will help in battles that day in Arizona, California, Colorado and New Mexico.

But no Democratic insurgent since Robert F. Kennedy in 1968 could command African-American support like Mr. Obama’s, which is critical in urban centers and across the South. That is why Mr. Obama leads in South Carolina and why Mr. Bendixen cannot be sure the Mondale analogy will hold.

“I don’t think any of us knows,” he said.

"WHY OBAMA AND CLINTON ARE DEBATING VOTER SUPPRESSION"

Ari Melber (The Nation):
They aren't just fighting for delegates anymore. Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama are now battling at the boundaries of democracy, trading allegations of voter suppression from the Nevada fallout. Look closely, though, and much of this boils down to turnout.
Clinton now leads most of the centrist coalition that her husband built. That includes working class moderates, pro-trade centrists, liberal hawks, Latinos and most of the traditional Democratic-progressive establishment – an alliance that delivered two winning pluralities for Bill Clinton. Obama is trying to build a new, bigger coalition on the fly. His success depends on mobilizing largely untested voting blocs, such as people under 30, apolitical independents and cross-over Republicans -- those "Obamacans" -- while consolidating his base of affluent liberals and Blacks.

The first three contests suggest that either tack can work.

Clinton can (narrowly) win a traditional Democratic electorate, like New Hampshire and Nevada. She won 51 percent of Democrats in Nevada this weekend, compared to 39 percent for Obama, who relied on independents for the rest of his support. But Obama can triumph in a higher turnout universe, such as an Iowa Caucus flooded by new and young voters, who comprised a third of his backing there.

So based on the results so far, lower voter turnout portends a Clinton nomination. And lately, Clinton supporters have tried tactics to limit turnout. There was that last-minute lawsuit to restrict voter access in Nevada, which Bill Clinton staunchly defended. A court rejected the controversial ploy. In a conference call on Sunday, the Obama Campaign alleged that Clinton supporters suppressed participation in 200 incidents at Nevada Caucus sites on Saturday afternoon, in violation of party rules. The Clinton Campaign denied the charge and criticized the Obama campaign for peddling "false claims," and there were also reports of Obama backers pressuring voters in Nevada.

Modern Democratic presidential primaries do not usually devolve into allegations of voter suppression. And it's particularly rare for a former U.S. President to flatly defend a lawsuit designed to disenfranchise voters – a nasty tactic so baldly undemocratic that it is usually pushed solely by lawyers and surrogates, while the potential beneficiaries remain silent.

But at bottom, these disputes also reflect the campaigns' drastically different orientations.

Clinton's winning formula is to unite the traditional Democratic electorate, assuming traditional turnout. Obama's path to victory is bolder but more improbable: Leading the party past pluralities to a new, post-partisan true majority. Maybe these suppression disputes will push voters to think about which course is more appealing, or more inspiring, or just more likely to work.

"Clinton vs. Obama: Lest We Forget"

Clarence B. Jones (Huffington Post):
The Clinton vs. Obama contest for the Democratic ticket of the upcoming residential race raises some provocative issues when reflecting on the Women's Movement and the African American community.
So much so that a recent comment by Senator Hillary Clinton about it taking President Lyndon B. Johnson's signing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 for Dr. King's dream to be realized ("It took a president to get it done," stated Senator Clinton) was viewed by many as racially insensitive and a major gaffe. The comment has further sparked a national debate and has become, for now, a focal point of an already white hot, volatile political contest. It's no surprise that Dr. King's name and the Civil Rights Movement have been invoked into this discussion. I suspect that it won't be the last time either. Aside from Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation, Dr. King, with whom I worked closely as personal counsel, advisor and draft speechwriter for much of the Civil Rights Movement, may have done more to achieve social, political and economic justice in America than any other event or person in the previous 400 years. So, as we approach November 2008, the burning question has been and will remain: What will it be? The historic opportunity to elect the first woman or first African American male as president of the United States.

There are few white women for whom I have more respect than Gloria Steinem, an ideological Godmother of the women's movement. In a recent op-ed column in the New York Times about the Obama vs. Clinton contest for the Democratic Party's nominee for President of the United States ("Women Are Never Front-Runners," January 8, 2008), Ms. Steinem's lifelong advocacy for gender equality appears to have become politically transformed into an advocacy of gender preferential treatment or implicit "female entitlement."

I am 77 years old, male and black. My experience in our country, as an African-American, and the reality of American history contravenes the assumption underlying Ms Steinem's thesis: women in the United States have been equally or more oppressed, excluded and discriminated against than African American men, writing in her op-ed, "Gender is probably the most restricting force in American life, whether the question is who must be in the kitchen or who could be in the White House." As evidence she cites the historical fact that "Black men were given the vote a half-century before women of any race were allowed to mark a ballot..." That historical anomaly standing alone, however, obscures the reality that white middle class women, as a group, have been one of the principal beneficiaries of Dr. King's legacy of struggle for racial justice and gender equality.

Further, the forefathers and foremothers of white middle class women in America did not endure the Middle Passage, chattel slavery by predecessor governments to our current government, the failure of Reconstruction, segregation, and years of racial injustice in our country. African-Americans are the heirs of a past of rope, fire and murder, sanctioned by institutionalized racism throughout the history of our country. As such, the election of an African American male to the presidency of the United States, under the reality of this unique American experience, is or would not be any less of an event or "historical first" than the election of a middle class white woman as President of the United States.

Which brings me to Senator Clinton's recent comments, presumably, to contrast her qualifications for president with those of Senator Obama, comparing herself to President Lyndon Johnson with the words, "It took a president to get it done." My longevity as a personal counsel and a draft speech writer for my beloved friend, Martin Luther King, Jr., has blessed me with the memory and the obligation of a living witness. The challenge confronting me and others, who worked with Dr. King, is how to set the record straight without appearing to third parties, especially the media, to be playing the so-called "race card". The absence of such raced based politics is what may be part of the unexpected broad appeal of the Obama candidacy.

I would like to remind all the candidates that this is the week of Dr. King's 79th birthday. Distorted application or misappropriation of his legacy for self serving political purposes by any candidate besmirches this legacy. Less there be some question about the roles of Martin Luther King and President Lyndon Johnson, let me "make it plain": the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act was not principally because of President Lyndon B. Johnson. It was because of Martin Luther King, Jr. LBJ was only responding to what Martin often said, quoting Victor Hugo in Les Miserables, that "There is one thing stronger than all the armies in the world and that is an idea whose time has come." The passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act was "an idea whose time had come"; a direct result of those hundreds of thousands of people marching in the streets across our country under Dr. King's leadership and not because "it. took a president to get it done."

Often during municipal, state or federal political campaigns, various parties seek to appropriate one or more excerpts from Martin's speeches or writings in support of their immediate political objective. This is understandable. Dr. King left such an extraordinary imprint upon our nation's DNA. Without proposing or recommending any choice between Senators Clinton or Obama and the other remaining candidates for the Democratic Party's nomination, one would have to be brain dead or suffer from amnesia not to see the haunting parallel between Senator Obama's candidacy and the legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. On April 3, 1968, at the Mason Temple in Memphis, TN, in support of the sanitation workers' strike against the city of Memphis, in his last public speech and the day before his death, Dr. King told those assembled on that historic occasion: "I've been to the mountaintop... And I've looked over. And I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the Promised Land."

The candidacy of Senator Barack Obama may just be part of the Promised Land that Martin believed we as a people would get to, even though he prophetically said he may not there with us. The possible election of Senator Obama in 2008 as President of the United States may very well be more powerful than the march of mighty armies -- an idea for which the time has come.

Finally, a caution, if not a warning, to President Clinton, Senator Clinton and their campaign advisors: You run the risk of dissipating, corrupting, if not destroying, the justifiably deserved and accumulated positive capital and goodwill you have earned among black people from President and Senator Clinton's own history of struggle for racial justice. Few public officials, especially President Clinton, like Senator John Edwards, a son of the white south, have transcended the segregationist's racist conditions of their southern upbringing, and committed their lives to racial justice. As such they have earned their "credentials" among black people. Prior to the current election contest, President Clinton was belovedly characterized by many African Americans as "America's first black president". However, the Clinton presidential campaign's apparent blind ambition for power runs the risk of destroying Clinton's reservoir of earned political integrity and affection among black people.

I suspect to some African Americans, especially older parents and grandparents, Senator Obama is symbolic and/or represents their sons and grandsons, for whom most have sacrificed to get them an education and succeed. Good faith questions about qualifications and experience are always appropriate about a candidate who seeks the nomination of his party to be president. However, gratuitous attacks against Obama or sarcastic paternalism dismissing his "qualifications" to be President of the United States are offensive and carry a tinge of "we know what's best for you" racism. This only serves to embolden Senator Obama's younger supporters; as they appear to resent such condescension and respond by saying "Yes we (he) can!!" Despite perhaps knowing less about the legacy of Dr. King, these young people nonetheless sense that Senator Obama's campaign for president may also be "an idea whose time has come."

In the name of my beloved friend Martin, I beseech all candidates to pause in a moment of reflection and consider whether what you do and say to get elected as president either enhances or diminishes the ultimate sacrifice that Dr. King made so that you are in a viable position to be in the presidential race in 2009.

Clarence B. Jones is the former personal counsel, advisor, draft speech writer and close friend of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. He is a Scholar in Residence at the Martin Luther King, Jr. Institute at Stanford University. His forthcoming book titled What Would Martin Say will be published by HarperCollins in April 2008.

Sunday, January 20, 2008

"Obama Echoes King's Call For Unity at Atlanta Church"

Washington Post:
ATLANTA, Jan. 20 -- Sen. Barack Obama took the pulpit of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.'s church here Sunday and drew a clear link between King's vision of an America free of segregation and racism and the central tenet of his own presidential campaign, a call for unity after years of partisan rancor and division.
"If Dr. King could love his jailer, if he could call on the faithful who once sat where you do to forgive those who set dogs and fire hoses upon them, then surely we can look past what divides us in our time, and bind up our wounds and erase the empathy deficit that exist in our hearts," Obama said.

Speaking to more than 2,000 people in the large modern sanctuary of Ebenezer Baptist Church, across the street from the original structure where King and his father preached, the Illinois Democrat invoked the slain civil rights leader in defending himself against the argument, put forward repeatedly in recent weeks by Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.) and her supporters, that by itself the inspirational rhetoric of the sort that he offers, and that King provided years ago, is not enough to achieve change.

King's rhetoric was twinned with the recognition of the need for hard struggle, and so, Obama said, would be his own. "Dr. King understood that unity cannot be won on the cheap," he said.

Obama's appearance carried the symbolism of the first African American candidate with a serious shot at the presidency addressing the church of the civil rights giant whom he often echoes. The huge crowd, which included King's sister, embraced Obama with warm applause and shouted "amens," and swayed in unison with him to the chords of "We Shall Overcome" sung by the church's 90-member choir.

The occasion took on added significance, however, because of the turn the contest between Obama and Clinton has taken in recent weeks, and the emergence of race as a more pronounced factor in it. Obama arrived here after losing to Clinton Saturday in the Nevada caucuses and 12 days after losing to her in the New Hampshire primary.

For much of last year, Obama offered himself as someone who, with his biracial background and conciliatory rhetoric, could transcend the nation's racial fissures. Only rarely did he speak in explicit terms about the historic nature of his candidacy. One of his primary challenges, in fact, has been winning over African American voters, including civil rights leaders from King's generation, who have remained loyal to former president Bill Clinton and, by association, his wife.

Obama's victory in the Iowa caucuses seemed to convince some skeptics in the African American community that he could win over voters in Middle America, and his standing with black voters surged in opinion polls. A dispute that unfolded after the New Hampshire primary over remarks by the Clintons and several top campaign supporters that some in the Obama camp interpreted as racially tinged also generated support for Obama among African Americans. They saw the remarks as seemingly downplaying the importance of King's role in passing the civil rights reforms of the 1960s.

The candidates settled that dispute in an informal detente at a debate last week, but Saturday's results in Nevada confirmed the emerging racial dimension in the race: Obama won about 80 percent of the black vote, according to opinion polls, while Clinton won Hispanics by a 2 to 1 margin and white voters by 18 percentage points.

Obama's support from black voters bodes well for him in Saturday's primary in South Carolina, where African Americans make up at least half of the Democratic electorate. But if his campaign becomes overly reliant on black support, and continues to face deficits in other demographic groups, it would be facing a threat to the whole motivating theme of his campaign, as well as its path to victory.

That was a concern on the minds of some of Obama's supporters in the mostly black audience here Sunday, even as they loudly applauded his address.

"His purpose is not just for African Americans, but for all people looking for a change," said Cleveland Ewing, 50, an Atlanta entrepreneur. "It's different than being just from an ethnic standpoint." He hoped, he said, that message would continue to get across to voters.

For her part, Clinton on Sunday was also moving to address the race's new demographic dynamic, in which African American voters will also play a pivotal role in many of the Feb. 5 "Super Tuesday" primaries that follow South Carolina's, including those in Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, New York and New Jersey.

Clinton appeared Sunday at the landmark Abyssinian Baptist Church in Harlem -- where the Rev. Adam Clayton Powell Jr., a pioneer black congressman, once preached to accept the endorsement of the Rev. Calvin Butts, one of New York's most prominent black pastors. At the church, Clinton described traveling with a youth group to hear King speak, and the "transforming experience" it was for her.

In a sign of just how fractious the Democratic race has become, the Obama campaign said it would ask the Nevada Democratic Party to review reports that Clinton caucus organizers had sought to block entry to certain caucus sites a half-hour before they closed. But the campaign said it was not contesting Clinton's victory and only wanted to prevent such confusion in future caucuses.

Clinton spokesman Howard Wolfson said the Obama campaign was peddling "false claims" and "grasping at straws" to explain its loss.

And Obama, in an interview taped for broadcast today on ABC's "Good Morning America," took issue with Bill Clinton's criticism of his record. "The former president, who I think all of us have a lot of regard for, has taken his advocacy on behalf of his wife to a level that I think is pretty troubling," Obama said. "This has become a habit, and one of the things that we're going to have to do is to directly confront Bill Clinton when he's making statements that are not factually accurate."

In the spacious, light-filled sanctuary Sunday, the Rev. Raphael Warnock, the young pastor of Ebenezer Baptist who invited Obama to address the church, asked parishioners not to wave Obama signs, for fear of giving the occasion an undue (and possibly illegal) political bent.

But Warnock's own position was hard to miss, as his sermon implicitly held up Obama -- "a brother [who] is committed and brilliant and has a spiritual foundation" -- as an answer to the "unfinished business" left 40 years after King's assassination, which Warnock said included millions without health insurance, a growing divide between rich and poor, and a disproportionate share of young blacks behind bars.

Obama took care to avoid appearing presumptuous in offering himself explicitly as King's heir in the civil rights struggle. But he portrayed his campaign's message as descended straight from King and his declaration that "unity is the great need of the hour," adding, "unity is how we shall overcome."

Obama drew applause by evoking grievances distant and recent for African Americans, including the controversial charges brought against black teenagers in Jena, La. But he added that "we must admit that none of our hands are entirely clean," citing homophobia, anti-Semitism and anti-immigrant bias in the black community.

He grew most impassioned as he veered from his text to rebut Clinton's notion that he is offering "false hopes." Without hope, he said, he would not be running for president, considering that he grew up with a single mother and "got in some trouble when I was a teenager."

If King had listened to such skeptics, he told the crowd, he might have "stood on the Lincoln Memorial and said 'You all go home, we can't overcome' " instead of giving his "I Have a Dream" speech in 1963.

"That's what hope is. Imagining and fighting and struggling for it and sometimes dying for it," Obama said. "There's no false hope in that."

"Hillary Clinton campaigns in Harlem" (with video)

Newday, with video:
Fresh from winning Nevada caucuses with the help of Latinos, Hillary Rodham Clinton Sunday resumed her courtship of African-Americans by attending a service honoring Martin Luther King, Jr., at a prominent Harlem church. But the boos that mingled with cheers during her uptown visit underscored the tough battle she faces in wresting black voters from rival Barack Obama.
"You've come to Harlem to steal the black vote!" a small but boisterous group of Obama protesters shouted as Clinton stood outside the Abyssinian Baptist Church to receive the endorsement of its influential pastor, the Rev. Calvin O. Butts.

"Harlem for Obama!" the protesters repeated so loudly that at some points they drowned out Butts' endorsement. When Clinton passed cups of steaming coffee to the crowd on the bitterly cold day, one man shouted, "I don't want your coffee!"

"Hillary! Hillary!" a group of Clinton supporters shouted back.

As Clinton stumped in New York, Obama was visiting the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta that Martin Luther King made famous. He challenged black Americans to confront prejudices of their own as a way of honoring King's legacy. "For most of this country's history, we in the African-American community have been at the receiving end of man's inhumanity to man. And all of us understand intimately the insidious role that race still sometimes plays -- on the job, in the schools, in our health care system, and in our criminal justice system," Obama said this morning, a day after his defeat in the Nevada caucuses.

For Clinton, yesterday's Harlem visit was aimed at gaining traction as she heads into this Saturday's primary in South Carolina, where blacks are expected to represent more than half of Democratic voters.

Though Clinton handily won Nevada's Latino vote, 8 in 10 of the state's black caucus-goers backed Obama. A recent poll shows Obama leading Clinton 42-40 among blacks in New York -- a statistical tie that nevertheless underscores his surge.

Moreover, recent disparaging comments about Obama by Bill Clinton and Clinton family friend Bob Johnson, the influential founder of BET, have offended some African-Americans. Hillary Clinton also raised some eyebrows on the eve of the New Hampshire primary by suggesting that the late president Lyndon B. Johnson, rather than Martin Luther King, deserved primary credit for the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Clinton, who only last week accused Obama of fomenting criticism of her Johnson comment, denied their rivalry could create divisions within and between black and Latino voters. Obama is "an extraordinary African-American" and the Democratic Party will be "united," she said in her second New York speech in a week drawing on King's theme of racial unity.

Butts, in turn, said his endorsement of Clinton had prompted angry phone calls from some parishioners. But, he added to a crowd outside the church, "a vote for Hillary is not a vote against Barack Obama or any community, be it African-American, Latino or any other." Instead, he said, it is a vote for the candidate "who has the vision and experience to make things happen."

But during his service, Butts couldn't resist a dig at Obama. After Clinton addressed parishioners, Butts said slyly: "Uh-huh. No teleprompter there. Isn't that something? A little scrap of paper but that's all." Obama has used a teleprompter in some speeches.

"Obama faces off against both Clintons"

Politico:
ATLANTA – Illinois Sen. Barack Obama launched Sunday what his top aides described as a more aggressive bid to challenge “unbelievable falsehoods” pressed last week in Nevada by Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton and former President Bill Clinton.
With Obama’s new strategy, the Democratic nomination fight took on a new contour: It’s Obama versus two Clintons, not just one. And the line of attack emerging from his second consecutive primary loss appears to be this: The Clintons are a couple whose words cannot always be trusted.

“You know the former president, who I think all of us have a lot of regard for, has taken his advocacy on behalf of his wife to a level that I think is pretty troubling,” Obama told ABC’s “Good Morning America” in an interview taped Sunday and set to air Monday. “He continues to make statements that are not supported by the facts — whether it's about my record of opposition to the war in Iraq or our approach to organizing in Las Vegas. This has become a habit, and one of the things that we're gonna have to do is to directly confront Bill Clinton when he's making statements that are not factually accurate.”

The Clinton campaign response to Obama? Get used to President Clinton, described by the campaign as a “huge asset” who “will continue talking to the American people to press the case for Sen. Clinton.”

“Of course Sen. Clinton and Sen. Obama are the candidates on the ballot and she is winning because she is giving voice to the Americans who will provide real solutions to the challenges they face in their daily lives,” said her campaign’s statement, which stood by the Clintons' comments in Nevada as "facts."

Obama began to challenge the Clintons late in the Nevada campaign — a delay that David Axelrod, Obama’s chief media strategist, described Sunday as a mistake.

“I would concede that I think we were not fast enough in Nevada in terms of hitting back,” Axelrod said. “We need to be even more aggressive in calling out what are shameless falsehoods and distortions.”

Aides would not detail the more forceful approach, other than to say that Obama and surrogates would make the case directly.

Obama, who portrays his candidacy as the embodiment of a less divisive style of politics, runs the risk of losing credibility as he descends into more direct combat with the Clintons.

“People have heard a lot of things that just aren’t true from the mouth of the First Lady, from the mouth of the former president, from the mouth of the campaign," said Robert Gibbs, Obama’s communications director. "There is no question we will make sure that doesn’t happen.”

But Gibbs added: “We made the decision that we weren’t going to get stuck in the mud.”

Obama foreshadowed the strategy Sunday morning from the pulpit of Atlanta’s Ebenezer Baptist Church, where the late Martin Luther King Jr. once served as a pastor.

The Democratic primary unfolds to the north next Saturday, in South Carolina. But the Ebenezer Baptist Church service, with a sermon celebrating King, gave Obama a platform to address the black voters moving to the forefront of the presidential campaign.

Obama struck a chord of unity – political and racial harmony, but also compassion for gays, immigrants and people of different faiths. He praised King’s legacy and portrayed his candidacy as a vehicle to fulfill the work that King started. He offered uplifting rhetoric, but also tough love, acknowledging that “none of our hands are clean” when it comes to healing divisions.

“We can no longer afford to traffic in lies or fear or hate,” Obama told 2,000 worshippers at one of the nation’s most prominent black congregations. “It is the poison that we must purge from our politics, the wall that we must tear down before the hour grows too late.”

Obama also made a sly reference to efforts by Clinton campaign surrogates to raise his youthful drug use as an issue.

“I got in trouble when I was a teenager, did some things, folks now like to talk about it,” Obama said. “I needed some hope to get here.”

He remained on the offensive at a rally Sunday night in Columbia, S.C., running through cases in which he believes his record has been distorted. (At one event in Reno, Nev., last week, Obama spent half his speech trying to correct the record.)

This time, he delved deeply into his praise last week of Ronald Reagan.

“What I said was Ronald Reagan, back in the 1980s, was able to tap into the discontent of the American people,” Obama said. “There were Reagan Democrats. So what I said is we need to tap into the discontent of Republicans. I want some Obama Republicans. I want ‘Obamacans.’”

“So when I see Sen. Clinton, President Clinton distort my own words, saying Republicans are the only ones who had good ideas since the 1980s — that is not a way to move the debate forward,” Obama said.
Howie P.S.: Elvis is a politician who goes for his opponents strong point, like Rove did with John Kerry's war record. Booman Tribune says "Obama is Undefeated" and "Reporting the truth about the delegate race would change the national narrative, and not in Clinton's favor."

"Delegate Counts"

Political Wire:
There are 4,050 Democratic delegates at stake in the primaries and caucuses (excluding delegates from Florida and Michigan, which violated party nominating rules.) The winner of the nomination needs 2,026 delegates.

There are 2,380 Republicans delegates at stake (accounting for reduced delegate totals in Florida, Michigan, New Hampshire, South Carolina and Wyoming for violating party rules.) The winner of the nomination needs 1,191 delegates.

Here are the latest delegate totals from the television networks:

ABC News:

  • Democrats: Clinton 203, Obama 148, Edwards 43
  • Republicans: Romney 59, Huckabee 40, McCain 36
CNN:

  • Democrats: Clinton 210, Obama 123, Edwards 52
  • Republicans: Romney 72, McCain 38, Huckabee 29
CBS News:

  • Democrats: Clinton 231, Obama 126, Edwards 59
  • Republicans: Romney 35, McCain 32, Huckabee 7

Edwards: "What Happens in Vegas, Stays in Vegas"

CBS News:
GREENVILLE, S.C. -- After a veritable trouncing in Nevada today, John Edwards told reporters following a rally in South Carolina that he'd like to move on.

"This is one of those times where I hope the old saying 'what happens in Vegas, stays in Vegas' turns out to be true," he said with a laugh. "We'll find out."

Edwards had a very poor showing in the Silver State, winning around only 4 percent of caucus-goers. He urged reporters, however, not to read too much into the results.

"I think the other candidates spent enormous amounts of money and we didn't," said Edwards. "It was a caucus process. They were there for a long time organizing."

"We've now had three states vote out of 50," he continued. "We've got 47 states to go."

When one reporter reminded Edwards that he spent more time in Nevada than any other candidate and asked how things could have still gone so wrong, Edwards was defiant.

"I've answered that question," he said before moving on to take a question about his South Carolina prospects.
Howie P.S.: Ben Smith looks at the glass half full for Edwards: "Close contest could make Edwards kingmaker." Not to nitpick, but I suppose Edwards could also be a queenmaker.

"The Power Of Oratory"

Jeff Greenfield (CBS News):
It is the oldest of political weapons, whose power has never waned.
When radio was king, a new president's powerful voice cut through the pessimism of the Great Depression.

"So let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear … is fear itself."

In the age of television, the youngest elected President spoke to our aspirations…

"I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the Earth."

A quarter of a century later, the oldest elected President spoke to our grief.

"We will never forget the last time we saw them, as they slipped the surly bonds of Earth to touch the face of God."

And today, in a time of Web casts and podcasts, when media assaults us in bits and bytes, is it really possible that the oldest of political tools - the spoken word - is still one of the most powerful? Yes, it is.

How else did an ex-governor of Arkansas, who began in cash-starved obscurity, become a contender? With a gift for speech and debate honed in his years as a Baptist minister.

"Jesus was too smart to run for office," Mike Huckabee said at one debate.

And how did a state senator with a funny name become a national phenomenon? With a single speech at the last Democratic convention.

"We worship an awesome God in the blue states and we have gay friends in the red states," Barack Obama said, in his plea for unity.

And, whether with carefully prepared formal speeches, or more informal give-and-take with voters, the candidates this year are proving that the gift of rhetoric is not some musty academic matter, as academics like Wisconsin Prof. Stephen Lucas note:

"People thought radio would kill oratory. It didn't kill it, it transformed it," Lucas said. "And Franklin Roosevelt became a maser of radio communication. And then people said, 'Television will kill oratory.' It didn't' kill it; Ronald Reagan became a master of it. And now people are saying. 'Perhaps the Internet will kill oratory.' And in act, it hasn't, because there's no substitute for that face-to-face communication between a speaker and an audience."

Michael Gerson knows something about speeches - he spent years as President George W. Bush's chef speechwriter. But his analysis is non-partisan:

"I don't think in a certain way that it is a coincidence that two of the leading candidates, Obama and Huckabee, are the preachers in the race in many ways," he said. "They know how to have a cadence. They know how to exhort with more language."

Gerson says in the sense of written speeches, Obama's are the most ambitious of all the candidates, to wit:

"They said this day would never come. They said we set our sights too high."

Gerson said his Iowa victory speech was a convention-quality-level speech.

There's a similar non-partisan seal of approval from Michael Waldman, who was President Clinton's chief speechwriter:

"Huckabee clearly learned his skills not in the bully pulpit, but in the actual pulpit. He's got a honeyed voice. He's got a twinkle in his eyes. He has found a way to say things that are very conservative, but to communicate it in a way that doesn't sound threatening to people."

But while Huckabee and Obama have garnered the most praise for their rhetorical skills, other candidates demonstrate that, when it comes to oratory, there is no one-size-fits-all model.

Consider John McCain, who says he much prefers speaking off-the-cuff to prepared remarks. "The people who come to the town meetings, they want Q and A," he said. "They're very disappointed if you stand up and give a speech, then leave."

Gerson was less approving of Hillary Clinton: "She is very substantive when she speaks. She's a master of policy, she's very knowledgeable. But she also, I think, has an annoying style. It can often be lecturing. It can be off-putting. So I think there are significant problems there."

Waldman attributes John Edwards style to his years as a courtroom attorney. "You can see how [he] made his living and won a lot of cases for ordinary citizens, by looking into the eyes of jurors and really convincing them to vote a certain way."

But Edwards disagrees. "The courtroom's actually a more intimate setting," Edwards said, "so you use a lower tone of voice, a more intimate speaking style. These crowds - I just spoke in front of a thousand-plus people - it requires a bigger voice, more passion, so it actually is a different feel."

All right … so the gift of effective speech may be a powerful campaign tool. But it's more than that. Sometimes, the right words change history.

Consider Martin Luther King, Jr.'s immortal "Free at last! Free at Last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

Or what happened in March, 1965, after civil rights demonstrators were met with violence by local officials in Selma, Ala. President Johnson spoke to a nationally televised joint session of Congress, urging lawmakers to pass the Voting Rights Act:

"There must be no delay or no hesitation or no compromise with our purpose," he said.

"The speaker and the moment and the issue came together," Lucas said. "You had the historical significance of the quest for civil rights, and you had Lyndon Johnson, a Southerner, standing up, speaking in that slow, Texas drawl, appropriating the anthem of the civil rights movement."

"Really, it's all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of discrimination," LBJ said. "And we shall overcome"

"So it was a moment that resonated powerfully with the people who lived it," said Lucas.

In that moment, Johnson's oratory skills were clearly an asset to his governing … but is that always the case?

"Ronald Reagan was once asked, 'How can you be an actor and be President?'" Waldman recalled. "And he thought about it and said, 'I don't know how you can be President without being an actor.' The ability to persuade people is an essential part of the job."

And sometimes, the right words aren't enough - it's the moment that matters.

"To have a great speech in a historical sense, you need at last three things," Lucas said. "One is something important to say. [Another] is the ability to say it well. And the third is some moment of consequence that you're responding to, that will get the attention of the people, and indeed, perhaps posterity."

"People always turn to words, elevated words of comfort and inspiration and idealism," Gerson said. "I don't think that's every going to change."
Howie P.S.: The NY Times takes us part way into the sausage factory with "What Would Obama Say?" about his head speech writer.

"Shifting Standards of Victory"

Nathan L. Gonzales, political editor of the Rothenberg Political Report (Political Wire):
With less than a handful of states under our belt in the presidential race, it’s time for both the candidates’ campaigns and the media to agree on a uniform way of evaluating the results and determining candidate placement on the medal stands.
Post-Nevada, both the Clinton and Obama campaigns are claiming victory, and each has a reasonable explanation. Sen. Hillary Clinton defeated Sen. Barack Obama 51% to 45% in the Silver State’s popular vote (which, more accurately, reflects delegates to the state convention). But Obama appeared to edge Clinton in national delegates 13 to 12, because of how the national delegates are proportioned.

The newfound focus on national delegates is fascinating since no one talked about Clinton taking more national delegates than John Edwards in Iowa. Instead, observers near and far were anxious to shove the New York Senator into third place in the first critical contest because it made for a better storyline.

In Iowa, Clinton earned 15 national delegates, one behind Obama (16), and one ahead of John Edwards (14). But that didn’t stop Edwards from swiping the rhetorical silver medal. The former North Carolina senator edged Clinton 29.748% to 29.468% in state delegates, but if Clinton had received a single state delegate more (she already had 737) she would have been at 29.5% and her percentage would have been rounded up to 30%, putting her in a statistical “tie” with Edwards.

So, if all of the sudden national delegate counts are the new fad, Edwards has three third place finishes under his belt.

In fact, both “votes” and delegates matter. And in the case of Nevada, Clinton and Obama finished in a near dead heat. One “won” in delegates, while the other “won” in caucus votes. The reality, however, is that the Nevada results, by themselves, don’t boost either Democrat’s prospects dramatically.

"Fierce Spending in Early Stages Saps Campaigns"

Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton stepping off her campaign jet in Davenport, Iowa, in early January. The Clinton campaign, which had been operating two airplanes, has since cut back to one.

NY Times:
The 2008 presidential race long ago shattered all fund-raising records. But lately even the best-financed campaigns are feeling short on cash.
The leading presidential candidates raised and spent tens of millions of dollars on the same ultimately unsuccessful goal: to knock out their opponents with decisive victories in the early nominating contests of Iowa, New Hampshire and, for the Republicans, Michigan.

Together, the top six candidates across both parties are projected to have brought in a total of more than $400 million and burned through at least 80 percent of it.

Now, the top three Democrats and the five or so Republicans all find their bank accounts depleted just as the most expensive phase of the race is about to begin. The candidates are entering a far-flung battle, with more than 20 other states voting in the three weeks that follow regional skirmishes on Saturday in South Carolina and Nevada. Strategists acknowledge they will have to make tough choices, especially since both parties face the prospect of prolonged nomination fights that could extend into the spring — or beyond.

“It is almost like the elections that have been held so far have reset the clock and we are starting the game all over, except that the money has largely been spent and there is no time to replace it,” said Steve McMahon, a veteran operative who worked for the primary campaign of Howard Dean, a Democrat, four years ago. “It is like we have just taken a mulligan.”

Advisers to Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York and Senator Barack Obama of Illinois have said their primary campaigns had each raised about $100 million by the end of last year. But both were spending more than $7 million a month in the third quarter, and spent an additional roughly $15 million apiece on television advertising in the early contests. The campaigns will not report their year-end figures until Jan. 31, but Mrs. Clinton’s advisers have said she came out of the New Hampshire primary with about $20 million left, and Mr. Obama appears to be in a similar position.

On the Friday after the primary, the Clinton campaign dispatched the candidate to Los Angeles and sent her husband, former President Bill Clinton, to Washington for dinners with dozens of top fund-raisers, kicking off an effort to pull in an additional $10 million by the end of the month as the race heads toward the coast-to-coast primaries of Feb. 5.

Mr. Obama, in the meantime, sprinted through three California fund-raisers in two days at the end of last week. The events included one on Thursday at the Westin St. Francis Hotel in San Francisco that attracted about 700 people who paid $1,000 to $2,300 apiece. But with little time for fund-raising, his aides acknowledge, Mr. Obama is spending money faster than he is bringing it in.

Most of the Republicans, who badly trailed the Democrats in fund-raising last year, are even harder-pressed. Rudolph W. Giuliani, the former New York City mayor and the biggest fund-raiser among the Republican candidates, brought in more than $60 million last year. But he was burning through more than $4 million a month in the third quarter, had spent about $4.5 million on advertising by the middle of January, and acknowledged last week that he had only $7 million left. A dozen senior staff members gave up their salaries as an emergency measure.

Mitt Romney, a financier with a personal fortune of more than $250 million, is the only Republican whose campaign is not feeling the pinch: he has pumped more than $17 million of his own money into his campaign, and his advisers say he shows no sign of slowing down.

But there are signs of tighter spending by some campaigns. Both Mr. Obama and Mrs. Clinton had been operating two airplanes: one for the candidate and the campaign staff, another for journalists, whose employers eventually reimburse the campaigns. But both decided last week that just one plane would do. Mrs. Clinton boarded the press plane. Mr. Obama’s campaign told journalists to book their own flights. With so many races so soon, Mr. Obama’s advisers said they wanted to free up the cash usually tied up waiting for reimbursements.

“There is definitely some belt-tightening,” Bill Burton, a spokesman for the Obama campaign, acknowledged. “As we move into a broader contest with so many states in play, every penny counts.”

Senator John Edwards, the former senator from North Carolina and the third surviving Democrat, is in a bind of his own. Alone among the front-runners in either parties, he elected to accept federal matching funds that impose a spending cap of about $50 million for the entire primary campaign. He spent at a rate of about $2.5 million a month in the third quarter, spent about $7.6 million in television advertising in the early primaries, and now may be limited to spending less than $20 million more while his rivals pour it on.

A person familiar with the Edwards campaign finances said the campaign had raised about $4 million during the fourth quarter, pulled in about $2 million since then, and qualified for a total of about $11 million in matching funds. But in a sign of its limited resources, the campaign did not buy any commercials in Nevada, the Democratic battleground where caucuses were held Saturday, and some Edwards aides are doubling up in hotel rooms to conserve cash.

For some Republicans, though, the cash crunch has its advantages. The campaign of Senator John McCain of Arizona has been almost broke since its near financial meltdown last summer. But Mr. McCain now finds himself on a more level playing field with the other front-runners.

His campaign advisers said he considered accepting the limits of public matching funds — as Mr. Edwards did — but after winning the New Hampshire Republican primary he has brought in enough in contributions to forgo the nearly $6 million in federal money he might have received.

“We’ve weathered the storm that other campaigns are facing right now,” Jill Hazelbaker, a McCain spokeswoman said, arguing that the campaign had emerged from its near-collapse “a more nimble operation.”

Advisers to Mike Huckabee, a former Arkansas governor and winner of the Iowa Republican caucuses, said he raised more than $7 million in the fourth quarter and ended the year with about $2 million in the bank — a relatively significant sum for a campaign that had brought in just $2.3 million by the end of the third quarter and had spent at a rate of less than $300,000 a month. “At this point in time, we are all equal — except Romney,” Ed Rollins, the Huckabee campaign national chairman, said last week.

Mr. Romney has by far been the biggest spender in either race. By the end of the third quarter, his campaign had spent $54 million — about $10 million more than any other candidate and about $10 million more than it raised in individual contributions. By mid-January it had also spent about $10 million more on television advertising than any other candidate: $27 million, according to the Campaign Media Analysis Group, which provided estimates of those expenditures.

To showcase the financial support for his campaign, Mr. Romney recently held a one-day telethon that raised $5 million. But about $3.5 million was contributed for use only in the general election from donors who had already given the maximum $2,300 to his primary campaign, suggesting his support may be more deep than broad.

Still, Kevin Madden, a Romney campaign spokesman, said the candidate was undeterred. “We will have the resources we need to compete all the way through Feb. 5 and beyond,” Mr. Madden said.

On the Democratic side, party strategists said Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Obama each bring different assets to the next leg of the money race. She has her husband, a master fund-raiser who can pass the hat as she keeps campaigning.

But Mr. Obama has a much more extensive e-mail list of small online donors who have not yet contributed the maximum amount. And the recent endorsement of Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts, the Democratic nominee four years ago, has enabled the Obama campaign to solicit Mr. Kerry’s list of three million online donors as well.

As for where to spend their scarce cash, each party presents a different puzzle. Democrats award convention delegates according to the proportion of votes each candidate receives in each state, so campaigns will most likely flock to the coasts and big cities where they can find the most voters.

The Republican contest is more of a gamble. Many states — including New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Missouri and Virginia — are winner-take-all, posing big risks for big rewards.

“There is no question that some of the Republican teams are dusting off their delegate-counting operations, pulling those old books off the shelves,” said Scott Reed, a Republican consultant who ran Bob Dole’s campaign 12 years ago. “One of them is going to end up in a death match with Romney, because he has the ability to write a check.”The 2008 presidential race long ago shattered all fund-raising records. But lately even the best-financed campaigns are feeling short on cash.

The leading presidential candidates raised and spent tens of millions of dollars on the same ultimately unsuccessful goal: to knock out their opponents with decisive victories in the early nominating contests of Iowa, New Hampshire and, for the Republicans, Michigan.

Together, the top six candidates across both parties are projected to have brought in a total of more than $400 million and burned through at least 80 percent of it.

Now, the top three Democrats and the five or so Republicans all find their bank accounts depleted just as the most expensive phase of the race is about to begin. The candidates are entering a far-flung battle, with more than 20 other states voting in the three weeks that follow regional skirmishes on Saturday in South Carolina and Nevada. Strategists acknowledge they will have to make tough choices, especially since both parties face the prospect of prolonged nomination fights that could extend into the spring — or beyond.

“It is almost like the elections that have been held so far have reset the clock and we are starting the game all over, except that the money has largely been spent and there is no time to replace it,” said Steve McMahon, a veteran operative who worked for the primary campaign of Howard Dean, a Democrat, four years ago. “It is like we have just taken a mulligan.”

Advisers to Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York and Senator Barack Obama of Illinois have said their primary campaigns had each raised about $100 million by the end of last year. But both were spending more than $7 million a month in the third quarter, and spent an additional roughly $15 million apiece on television advertising in the early contests. The campaigns will not report their year-end figures until Jan. 31, but Mrs. Clinton’s advisers have said she came out of the New Hampshire primary with about $20 million left, and Mr. Obama appears to be in a similar position.

On the Friday after the primary, the Clinton campaign dispatched the candidate to Los Angeles and sent her husband, former President Bill Clinton, to Washington for dinners with dozens of top fund-raisers, kicking off an effort to pull in an additional $10 million by the end of the month as the race heads toward the coast-to-coast primaries of Feb. 5.

Mr. Obama, in the meantime, sprinted through three California fund-raisers in two days at the end of last week. The events included one on Thursday at the Westin St. Francis Hotel in San Francisco that attracted about 700 people who paid $1,000 to $2,300 apiece. But with little time for fund-raising, his aides acknowledge, Mr. Obama is spending money faster than he is bringing it in.

Most of the Republicans, who badly trailed the Democrats in fund-raising last year, are even harder-pressed. Rudolph W. Giuliani, the former New York City mayor and the biggest fund-raiser among the Republican candidates, brought in more than $60 million last year. But he was burning through more than $4 million a month in the third quarter, had spent about $4.5 million on advertising by the middle of January, and acknowledged last week that he had only $7 million left. A dozen senior staff members gave up their salaries as an emergency measure.

Mitt Romney, a financier with a personal fortune of more than $250 million, is the only Republican whose campaign is not feeling the pinch: he has pumped more than $17 million of his own money into his campaign, and his advisers say he shows no sign of slowing down.

But there are signs of tighter spending by some campaigns. Both Mr. Obama and Mrs. Clinton had been operating two airplanes: one for the candidate and the campaign staff, another for journalists, whose employers eventually reimburse the campaigns. But both decided last week that just one plane would do. Mrs. Clinton boarded the press plane. Mr. Obama’s campaign told journalists to book their own flights. With so many races so soon, Mr. Obama’s advisers said they wanted to free up the cash usually tied up waiting for reimbursements.

“There is definitely some belt-tightening,” Bill Burton, a spokesman for the Obama campaign, acknowledged. “As we move into a broader contest with so many states in play, every penny counts.”

Senator John Edwards, the former senator from North Carolina and the third surviving Democrat, is in a bind of his own. Alone among the front-runners in either parties, he elected to accept federal matching funds that impose a spending cap of about $50 million for the entire primary campaign. He spent at a rate of about $2.5 million a month in the third quarter, spent about $7.6 million in television advertising in the early primaries, and now may be limited to spending less than $20 million more while his rivals pour it on.

A person familiar with the Edwards campaign finances said the campaign had raised about $4 million during the fourth quarter, pulled in about $2 million since then, and qualified for a total of about $11 million in matching funds. But in a sign of its limited resources, the campaign did not buy any commercials in Nevada, the Democratic battleground where caucuses were held Saturday, and some Edwards aides are doubling up in hotel rooms to conserve cash.

For some Republicans, though, the cash crunch has its advantages. The campaign of Senator John McCain of Arizona has been almost broke since its near financial meltdown last summer. But Mr. McCain now finds himself on a more level playing field with the other front-runners.

His campaign advisers said he considered accepting the limits of public matching funds — as Mr. Edwards did — but after winning the New Hampshire Republican primary he has brought in enough in contributions to forgo the nearly $6 million in federal money he might have received.

“We’ve weathered the storm that other campaigns are facing right now,” Jill Hazelbaker, a McCain spokeswoman said, arguing that the campaign had emerged from its near-collapse “a more nimble operation.”

Advisers to Mike Huckabee, a former Arkansas governor and winner of the Iowa Republican caucuses, said he raised more than $7 million in the fourth quarter and ended the year with about $2 million in the bank — a relatively significant sum for a campaign that had brought in just $2.3 million by the end of the third quarter and had spent at a rate of less than $300,000 a month. “At this point in time, we are all equal — except Romney,” Ed Rollins, the Huckabee campaign national chairman, said last week.

Mr. Romney has by far been the biggest spender in either race. By the end of the third quarter, his campaign had spent $54 million — about $10 million more than any other candidate and about $10 million more than it raised in individual contributions. By mid-January it had also spent about $10 million more on television advertising than any other candidate: $27 million, according to the Campaign Media Analysis Group, which provided estimates of those expenditures.

To showcase the financial support for his campaign, Mr. Romney recently held a one-day telethon that raised $5 million. But about $3.5 million was contributed for use only in the general election from donors who had already given the maximum $2,300 to his primary campaign, suggesting his support may be more deep than broad.

Still, Kevin Madden, a Romney campaign spokesman, said the candidate was undeterred. “We will have the resources we need to compete all the way through Feb. 5 and beyond,” Mr. Madden said.

On the Democratic side, party strategists said Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Obama each bring different assets to the next leg of the money race. She has her husband, a master fund-raiser who can pass the hat as she keeps campaigning.

But Mr. Obama has a much more extensive e-mail list of small online donors who have not yet contributed the maximum amount. And the recent endorsement of Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts, the Democratic nominee four years ago, has enabled the Obama campaign to solicit Mr. Kerry’s list of three million online donors as well.

As for where to spend their scarce cash, each party presents a different puzzle. Democrats award convention delegates according to the proportion of votes each candidate receives in each state, so campaigns will most likely flock to the coasts and big cities where they can find the most voters.

The Republican contest is more of a gamble. Many states — including New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Missouri and Virginia — are winner-take-all, posing big risks for big rewards.

“There is no question that some of the Republican teams are dusting off their delegate-counting operations, pulling those old books off the shelves,” said Scott Reed, a Republican consultant who ran Bob Dole’s campaign 12 years ago. “One of them is going to end up in a death match with Romney, because he has the ability to write a check.”

Saturday, January 19, 2008

"Clinton and Obama Win Nevada"

Ari Melber (The Nation):
So the Clintons like Nevada after all.

Hillary Clinton beat Barack Obama by about six points in the state's caucus on Saturday, netting 12 of the 25 delegates at stake. But Barack Obama won the number that could matter most, earning 13 of Nevada's national convention delegates, which ultimately determine the Democratic nominee. That made for a "split decision," according to Congressman James Clyburn, an influential member of the House Democratic leadership who is unaffiliated with any candidate.
Obama sounded even more confident on Saturday, saying "we came from over twenty-five points behind to win more national convention delegates than Hillary Clinton because we performed well all across the state, including rural areas where Democrats have traditionally struggled." But it's not that simple.

Rural areas did secure Obama's delegate edge. His five-point lead in the rural section of Nevada's Second Congressional District, which stretches across most of the state north of Las Vegas, won him the single delegate at stake there. With one delegate in play, caucus math is winner-take-all. So while Clinton won about 43 percent of the area, she had no delegates to show for it. And the delegates are weighed by past voter registration -- not the actual turnout on Saturday -- which can also widen a gap with the true popular vote. But the popular vote is not actually available.

The Nevada Democratic Party only released a statewide tally of local delegates. There are over 10,000 of them; Clinton has about half (5,335). But local delegates do not reflect a pure popular vote. Just like national delegates, if a local precinct only has one delegate, then it's winner-take-all. Precinct totals can exaggerate the support for the candidate in the lead, and minimize the totals for a trailing candidate. (That's why John Edwards' Nevada turnout appears unusually low.) If you think reading about this system is hard, just imagine caucusing.

Or just try explaining it. The AP and cable networks initially misreported Obama's delegate count. (The Nation first reported Obama's delegate lead.) The AP quickly caught the error, but its new article still incorrectly refers to the precinct totals as a "popular vote." And on caucus night, the pundits were already talking about John Edwards' collapse, as if the statewide tally was a popular vote.

The arcane caucus rules are not only important because they determine -- and potentially distort -- the voters' will. The caucus itself was a controversial issue all week, as the Clinton Campaign said parts of the system were unfair and potentially illegitimate. President Clinton ratcheted up the rhetoric on the even of the caucus, saying he personally witnessed voter suppression by members of a union backing Obama, an explosive charge that senior Clinton aides could not substantiate. (NBC's Chuck Todd pressed the issue on a Saturday conference call for reporters.) But in another curveball for this primary season, Hillary Clinton actually benefited from the caucus arrangements her campaign assailed, especially on the Las Vegas Strip. She dominated turnout at the 9 major casinos, which made an arrangement with the state party so that employees could caucus away from home. She won the most "at-large delegates," which President Clinton slammed as patently unfair because they counted "five times as much as everybody else." And her statewide numbers may be slightly higher than the true popular vote. Obama benefited too, of course, nabbing a national delegate in a region where Clinton's support was perfectly strong.

It all comes back to national delegates, since they pick the nominee. After Nevada, the Obama Campaign began circulating delegate-obsessed quotes from Clinton aides. ("You've got to remember this about getting delegates." Terry McAuliffe! "This is a race for delegates…It is not a battle for individual states." Howard Wolfson!) But Nevada, like many states, does not bind national delegates by the actual turnout. Delegate preferences can technically change at the Nevada state party convention, held in April. (Many state parties operate on the premise that the nominee will be decided by the time of their conventions, anyway.) The Clinton Campaign invoked the convention in a three-sentence rebuttal to Obama on Saturday night: "Hillary Clinton won the Nevada Caucuses today by winning a majority of the delegates at stake. The Obama campaign is wrong. Delegates for the national convention will not be determined until April 19." Jill Derby, Chair of the Nevada State Party, also spoke out on delegates on Saturday. She emphasized that national delegate counts are "based upon an assumption that delegate preferences will remain the same," when in fact they could change at the convention. Derby added an a disconcerting line to hammer the point home: "We look forward to our county and state conventions where we will choose the delegates for the nominee that Nevadans support."

Translation: If this thing is close, "we" party insiders will "choose" for the rest of the state.

At least the sparring over delegates has forced out a rare political confession, helping expose the distortions and irrelevance of these party rules. And the reforms present themselves: Require binding votes, absentee voting rights, proportional measurement and a true popular vote.

"Democrats Divided 2008" (with video)



NOW (PBS) with video (17:00):
With the primary season underway, America is focused on whether the next president will be Democrat or Republican. Meanwhile, within the Democratic Party another struggle is unfolding. NOW on PBS reports on a rift between progressives who believe the party has sold out its liberal values and centrists eager to capture a broad swath of the more conservative voters. It's a struggle that is taking place at all levels of government.

In Maryland, six-term incumbent Al Wynn is facing a tough challenge from newcomer Donna Edwards. According to Edwards, Wynn has sold out to big business and the Bush agenda, including a vote for the war in Iraq and the 2005 energy bill. Wynn says his challenger is naïve and doesn't understand that there are choices in politics between compromise and doing nothing. Fueling candidates like Edwards are the foot soldiers of the progressive battle—bloggers and other political outsiders like Matt Stoller of OpenLeft.com who are drumming up national support on the Internet. Maria Hinojosa speaks with the candidates and Matt Bai, author of The Argument: Billionaires, Bloggers, and the Battle To Remake Democratic Politics.

Markos: "Obama wins Nevada"

Markos:
So check it out, Obama literally won more delegates in Nevada than Clinton:

A source with knowledge of the Nevada Democratic Party's projections told The Nation that under the arcane weighting system, Obama would win 13 national convention delegates and Clinton would win 12 delegates. The state party has not released an official count yet.

Barack Obama released an official statement celebrating a delegate victory. "We came from over twenty-five points behind to win more national convention delegates than Hillary Clinton because we performed well all across the state, including rural areas where Democrats have traditionally struggled," he said.

And the Obama campaign is milking it, throwing the Hillary campaign's own words against it:

Senator Obama was awarded 13 delegates to Senator Clinton's 12. As Clinton Communications Director Howard Wolfson said, "This is a race for delegates…It is not a battle for individual states. As David knows, we are well past the time when any state will have a disproportionate influence on the nominating process."

Ha ha ha. As if this thing couldn't get any more absurd.

Update: Since I was obviously not clear enough and many didn't get it, the headline was ironic, the last sentence was supposed to give it away.

Yeah, Hillary won the state. But under her earlier rules, all that mattered was the delegate count. So everyone wins. Or no one wins. Or whatever. Like I said, absurd.

In practical and political terms, Hillary wins. She gets the little checkmark next to her name in the results. Losing the delegate count is inside-baseball. But the delegate thing -- assuming it holds up and confirmed -- is worth a psychological boost to Obama and his supporters.

Update II: The AP has updated its story and is confirming the delegate thing:

"I guess this is how the West was won," Clinton told cheering supporters in Las Vegas. She captured the popular vote, but Obama edged her out for national convention delegates at stake, taking 13 to her 12.

Update III: The percentages reported for this race, by the way, aren't popular vote figures. Truly bizarre. They're based on the number of state delegates awarded. So while no one thinks Obama will win the popular vote, the percentages should be a lot tighter when the actual popular vote numbers are released.

Leno: "Am I being Naive?" ( with video)


BarackObamaPresident, with video (03:08):
Chris Matthew's on Jay Leno talking about Barack Obama.
Howie P.S.: Not usually a big Tweety fan.

"John Edwards Denounces Anti-Hillary Ad in Nevada" (video)


MySilverState, video (00:55):
John Edwards denouncing an anti-Clinton radio ad in Nevada by UNITE HERE, at an event in Reno, Nevada, January 18, 2008.