Showing posts with label haiti. Show all posts
Showing posts with label haiti. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 06, 2010

"Violence against Women and Girls in Haiti: The Enemy Within" (with video)


Say NO UNiTE, with video (08:11):
Narrated by internationally renowned TV journalist Daljit Dhaliwal, this 21st Century short documentary goes deep into Haiti's makeshift camps to expose acts of violence and sexual assaults women, especially young girls, have encountered since the country's devastating earthquake in January left 1.5 million homeless. While measures are being taken by, for instance, the Haitian National Police, UN police and UNIFEM (part of UN Women), to curb such type of violence, this video underscores what has yet to be done to ensure the safety of women and girls as Haiti continues to build itself back from the ground up.

Publisher: 21st Century with support from UNIFEM (part of UN Women); Date of Release: October 2010).

Tuesday, July 13, 2010

Jeff Spicoli Moves to Haiti (video)

DemocracyNow!, video (49:00).
Two-time Academy Award-winning actor and director Sean Penn was honored by the Haitian government on Monday at a ceremony marking the six-month anniversary of the earthquake that killed 300,000 people and left more than 1.5 million homeless. Penn first came to Haiti after the earthquake struck to help with immediate relief efforts. He decided to stay to finish what he started. He co-founded the J/P Haitian Relief Organization and is managing a tent camp on the Petionville golf-course that now shelters some 55,000 people. On Sunday night, we went to visit Sean Penn’s camp. We walked in and asked to speak to him. We were ushered in to a large tent and ended up sitting down with the Hollywood star for more than an hour talking about Haiti, recovery efforts and the lack of them, his life and what inspired him to do what he is doing.[includes rush transcript-partial]

Tuesday, February 16, 2010

Haiti :"A Creditor, Not a Debtor " (The Nation-Naomi Klein, with video)


Naomi Klein (The Nation) with video (23:25):
If we are to believe the G-7 finance ministers, Haiti is on its way to getting something it has deserved for a very long time: full "forgiveness" of its foreign debt.
In Port-au-Prince, Haitian economist Camille Chalmers has been watching these developments with cautious optimism. Debt cancellation is a good start, he told Al Jazeera English, but "It's time to go much further. We have to talk about reparations and restitution for the devastating consequences of debt." In this telling, the whole idea that Haiti is a debtor needs to be abandoned. Haiti, he argues, is a creditor--and it is we, in the West, who are deeply in arrears.

Our debt to Haiti stems from four main sources: slavery, the US occupation, dictatorship and climate change. These claims are not fantastical, nor are they merely rhetorical. They rest on multiple violations of legal norms and agreements. Here, far too briefly, are highlights of the Haiti case.

§ The Slavery Debt. When Haitians won their independence from France in 1804, they would have had every right to claim reparations from the powers that had profited from three centuries of stolen labor. France, however, was convinced that it was Haitians who had stolen the property of slave owners by refusing to work for free. So in 1825, with a flotilla of war ships stationed off the Haitian coast threatening to re-enslave the former colony, King Charles X came to collect: 90 million gold francs--ten times Haiti's annual revenue at the time. With no way to refuse, and no way to pay, the young nation was shackled to a debt that would take 122 years to pay off.

In 2003, Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, facing a crippling economic embargo, announced that Haiti would sue the French government over that long-ago heist. "Our argument," Aristide's former lawyer Ira Kurzban told me, "was that the contract was an invalid agreement because it was based on the threat of re-enslavement at a time when the international community regarded slavery as an evil." The French government was sufficiently concerned that it sent a mediator to Port-au-Prince to keep the case out of court. In the end, however, its problem was eliminated: while trial preparations were under way, Aristide was toppled from power. The lawsuit disappeared, but for many Haitians the reparations claim lives on.

§ The Dictatorship Debt. From 1957 to 1986, Haiti was ruled by the defiantly kleptocratic Duvalier regime. Unlike the French debt, the case against the Duvaliers made it into several courts, which traced Haitian funds to an elaborate network of Swiss bank accounts and lavish properties. In 1988 Kurzban won a landmark suit against Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier when a US District Court in Miami found that the deposed ruler had "misappropriated more than $504,000,000 from public monies."

Haitians, of course, are still waiting for their payback--but that was only the beginning of their losses. For more than two decades, the country's creditors insisted that Haitians honor the huge debts incurred by the Duvaliers, estimated at $844 million, much of it owed to institutions like the IMF and the World Bank. In debt service alone, Haitians have paid out tens of millions every year.

Was it legal for foreign lenders to collect on the Duvalier debts when so much of it was never spent in Haiti? Very likely not. As Cephas Lumina, the United Nations Independent Expert on foreign debt, put it to me, "the case of Haiti is one of the best examples of odious debt in the world. On that basis alone the debt should be unconditionally canceled."

But even if Haiti does see full debt cancellation (a big if), that does not extinguish its right to be compensated for illegal debts already collected.

§ The Climate Debt. Championed by several developing countries at the climate summit in Copenhagen, the case for climate debt is straightforward. Wealthy countries that have so spectacularly failed to address the climate crisis they caused owe a debt to the developing countries that have done little to cause the crisis but are disproportionately facing its effects. In short: the polluter pays. Haiti has a particularly compelling claim. Its contribution to climate change has been negligible; Haiti's per capita CO2 emissions are just 1 percent of US emissions. Yet Haiti is among the hardest hit countries--according to one index, only Somalia is more vulnerable to climate change.

Haiti's vulnerability to climate change is not only--or even mostly--because of geography. Yes, it faces increasingly heavy storms. But it is Haiti's weak infrastructure that turns challenges into disasters and disasters into full-fledged catastrophes. The earthquake, though not linked to climate change, is a prime example. And this is where all those illegal debt payments may yet extract their most devastating cost. Each payment to a foreign creditor was money not spent on a road, a school, an electrical line. And that same illegitimate debt empowered the IMF and World Bank to attach onerous conditions to each new loan, requiring Haiti to deregulate its economy and slash its public sector still further. Failure to comply was met with a punishing aid embargo from 2001 to '04, the death knell to Haiti's public sphere.

This history needs to be confronted now, because it threatens to repeat itself. Haiti's creditors are already using the desperate need for earthquake aid to push for a fivefold increase in garment-sector production, some of the most exploitative jobs in the country. Haitians have no status in these talks, because they are regarded as passive recipients of aid, not full and dignified participants in a process of redress and restitution.

A reckoning with the debts the world owes to Haiti would radically change this poisonous dynamic. This is where the real road to repair begins: by recognizing the right of Haitians to reparations.

Saturday, January 23, 2010

GRITtv: "Is it Fair to Compare Haiti to New Orleans?" (video)

GRITtv, with video (24:30):
The comparisons between the earthquake in Haiti and Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans have come fast and furious, but often from people who’ve watched both disasters through the clean-cut white lens of Anderson Cooper broadcasts. Meanwhile, people in Haiti–and those in the Gulf Coast still struggling four years later–need more than blame and comparisons. They need real solutions.

To offer some, we ask Monika Kalra Varma, director of the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights, Melissa Harris-Lacewell, Princeton professor, Nation contributor, and author of Barbershops, Bibles, and BET: Everyday Talk and Black Political Thought and James Perry, executive director of the Greater New Orleans Fair Housing Action Center and candidate for mayor of New Orleans.

Thanks to Chicken & Egg Pictures for video in this segment.

Friday, January 22, 2010

Haiti: "Exploitation Nation?" (Newsweek)

Is This Looting?
What's the difference between desperation and danger

Newsweek:
Naomi Klein worries Haitians won't have a role shaping their future.---Bottom feeders follow closely on the heels of disaster. After Hurricane Katrina, private security contractors landed in New Orleans, hired to guard against looters. After the Indian Ocean tsunami, governments in Thailand, Sri Lanka, India, Indonesia, and the Maldives pushed aside coastal villages to make way for resort developers. That kind of profiteering is standard fare. But is it organized? That's what author Naomi Klein says in her book The Shock Doctrine, arguing that "disaster capitalists" take advantage of post-crisis chaos to push through a set of free-market reforms that further their own interests, rather than those of the victims. Is that the case in Haiti right now, even as rescue operations are still underway? NEWSWEEK's Katie Paul chatted with Klein about what she—and the 20,000 people who have already joined the No Shock Doctrine for Haiti group on Facebook—are watching out for this time around. Excerpts:
You've noted in Shock Doctrine how disasters like this earthquake are perfect opportunities for so-called disaster capitalists to move in and profit. Are you seeing evidence of that so far in Haiti?

The shock doctrine is the use of disasters to avoid democracy—using the state of dislocation following a disaster to say that people aren't able to make decisions, so someone else needs to do it for them. But that means policies are pushed through very quickly—unpopular policies that were often on a wish list for elites anyway, but that can suddenly be implemented because people are either traumatized or literally wiped out. In the case of Haiti, the Heritage Foundation didn't even wait 24 hours before they called for the Obama administration to reform Haiti's economy. They also suggested that George W. Bush be appointed and, lo and behold, he was appointed the next day. So they appear to have an audience.

Wait, isn't that standard—
Right, but that idea was first floated on the Heritage Foundation Web site.

—that he's appointed alongside President Clinton?
It's unclear who Bill Clinton is working for. Is it the U.N., the Obama administration, his own foundation? We've already heard talk of a Marshall Plan for Haiti—by Haiti's largest foreign investor, a cell-phone company, at a meeting in Florida with Bill Clinton. Now, they may have very good plans. But the point is that Haitians are not being included in the planning.

Wouldn't cell-phone service be important right away? Lack of communication is a big problem in the relief effort.
Absolutely. When it comes to distributing aid, speed is of the essence. But it's entirely inappropriate to be setting priorities that Haitians will have to live with for decades, like with this Marshall Plan. When it comes to rebuilding, speed can be very damaging—and can be an excuse for avoiding citizen participation. If there's anything we know from New Orleans and Iraq, there needs to be transparency. I don't usually do this, but I'll quote John McCain: early on with Iraq, he said that Iraq is a big pot of honey and there are a lot of flies. Right now, Haiti is the pot of honey. Billions of dollars are going to be allocated for reconstruction. If we want to make sure that whatever gets built is what Haitians want built, then let's lay down that principle now. Once contracts are handed out, there's no going back. Are you actually seeing contracts being handed out already? It's so early.
There's a huge amount of lobbying going on already. But there are really core questions about what Haiti's postquake economy should look like. So, for example, the garment sector wants the new economy to give them shiny new export zones, tax breaks, public money to rebuild their factories—but we also know that they don't pay taxes that build Haiti's public sector, which is part of what deepened this disaster.

In order for any of these big decisions to be truly representative of Haitian desires, wouldn't they need to be made after democratic elections? Given the damage, it seems like that would be a long way off.
That should be built into the cost of reconstruction. We're months away from any actual rebuilding, so there's no need to hand out contracts now. In fact, I think there should be a freeze on contracts until there are mechanisms in place to allow Haitians to participate in a national reconstruction plan. We're talking about designing a country. It isn't about rebuilding it exactly as it was, because everyone would agree that's unacceptable.

How can reconstruction be done without replicating the existing power structures, which have been so problematic for so long?
There should be line items for community-development plans, even referendums. And no contract should be handed out without guarantees that the work will be done by Haitians, at a living wage. People who are donating money right now should be asking a lot of questions about how their money is being spent.

Can you give an example of a country that has managed a disaster economy well?
The community-based responses to the tsunami in Thailand were amazing. Communities set up councils, then worked with architects and planners who actually asked them they wanted their own communities to look like. So often, there's an assumption that a 22-year-old from the Kennedy School knows more about what's best for a country than someone in their 60s who's lived there his entire life. But that's an infantalization of a country.

You've noted that the relief effort so far has been overly militarized. Given that the military is responsible for coordinating much of the aid, why do you think that's inappropriate?
It's a self-fulfilling prophecy. Every day that people are not receiving food, it becomes harder to maintain order.

What we're hearing from U.N. and aid agencies is that they're afraid of going out without military escort. And what we just saw during the quake is that some foreign investors had their own parallel privatized disaster infrastructure. Citigroup sent in private-security SWAT teams equipped with medical supplies and satellite phones to save their people, but not their neighbors. That's dehumanizing. Aid should be prioritized over security. Any aid agency that's afraid of Haitians should get out of Haiti.

"The Stars Come Together for Haiti" (live streaming video here today from Hulu@ 5pm Pacific)


Watch here.

"Where To Watch Hope For Haiti Now Online"

newteevee.com:
Wyclef Jean, Sting, Bruce Springsteen, Mary J. Blige, Shakira, Alicia Keys, Christina Aguilera, Dave Matthews and Justin Timberlake are just a few of countless stars to take part in tonight’s Hope For Haiti benefit concert, starting at 5 p.m. PST and 8 p.m. EST. They’ll be supported by Hollywood stars like Will Smith, Brad Pitt, Clint Eastwood, Denzel Washington, Halle Berry, Jon Stewart, Julia Roberts and Leonardo DiCaprio, according to MTV.com. The concert will air simultaneously on pretty much all the major broadcast and many cable channels, and the organizers of the event already call it the biggest telethon in TV history.

But what do you do if you’re stuck at an office with no TV in sight? No worries: It looks like Hope For Haiti is slated to also break a few records online, where the concert will be live streamed on more than a dozen major sites.

YouTube will stream the event at youtube.com/hopeforhaitinow, and Google has been busy promoting the site with keyword ads on its search engine.

Yahoo.com is also slated to stream the concert on its site.

Hulu will feature the live webcast on its home page. The site is also making an embeddable version of its player available, so bloggers can incorporate thelive stream into their own sites.

AOL.com will carry the event as well.

Facebook will air the telethon at www.facebook.com/DisasterRelief. The page also features links to reputable charities as well as a link to the Facebook fundraising app Causes, which has raised about $400,000 for Haiti relief in the first week after the earthquake, according to a Facebook spokesperson.

Myspace will stream the event on its site.

E!Online, as well as Fancast, will stream Hope For Haiti, according to a Comcast spokesperson, and the cable operator is considering featuring the concert on additional online properties as well.

MSN.com as well as Bing.com will also webcast the concert.

Rhapsody is not only streaming the concert, but will also sell live recordings, with 100 percent of the proceeds going to the charities connected to the event.

MTV will stream Hope For Haiti on MTV.com, VH1.com and BET.com.

CNN will air the event on CNN.com Live, which could be a good bet if other streams go down. CNN Live uses P2P-supported streaming powered by Octoshape, which enabled the site to serve more live streams of the Obama inauguration than any other online property.

Hope for Haiti will also be live streamed on mobile devices from Alltel, AT&T, Sprint, Verizon and FloTV.

We’ll be adding more links and details throughout the day.

Follow us on Twitter or subscribe to the feed

Wednesday, January 20, 2010

GRITtv: "Looking Past Disaster: Possibilities for Haiti" (video)


GRITtv, with video (22:18):
The Heritage Foundation didn’t wait very long after the earthquake in Haiti to issue its recommendations for Shock Doctrine-style “reforms,” and the IMF has already offered a conditional loan to help rebuild. Haiti has seen enough of this type of policy already, and is in need of a different type of thinking: one not imposed from without, but developed from within the country and its communities.

To discuss what would really help the people of Haiti, we ask architect Rodney Leon, working on the Belle Reve sustainable housing development in Haiti and a member of The Haitian Roundtable group, Michele Wucker, Executive Director of the World Policy Institute and author of Why the Cocks Fight: Dominicans, Haitians, and the Struggle for Hispaniola, and Bill Fletcher Jr., executive editor of Black Commentator, author of Solidarity Divided: The Crisis in Organized Labor and a New Path toward Social Justice.

If you’ve already given money but want to know what else you can do, we suggest joining the growing calls for forgiving Haiti’s foreign debts. Some nations have already said they will do so, but more pressure can only help. The ONE campaign, the Hunger Site, and Jubilee USA have action you can take, and you can also contact your Congressperson.

Saturday, January 16, 2010

Palast---"The Right Testicle of Hell: History of a Haitian Holocaust"

Greg Palast:
Blackwater before drinking water

by Greg Palast for The Huffington Post

1.
Bless the President for having rescue teams in the air almost immediately. That was President Olafur Grimsson of Iceland. On Wednesday, the AP reported that the President of the United States promised, "The initial contingent of 2,000 Marines could be deployed to the quake-ravaged country within the next few days." "In a few days," Mr. Obama?

2.
There's no such thing as a 'natural' disaster. 200,000 Haitians have been slaughtered by slum housing and IMF "austerity" plans.

3.
A friend of mine called. Do I know a journalist who could get medicine to her father? And she added, trying to hold her voice together, "My sister, she's under the rubble. Is anyone going who can help, anyone?" Should I tell her, "Obama will have Marines there in 'a few days'"?

4.
China deployed rescuers with sniffer dogs within 48 hours. China, Mr. President. China: 8,000 miles distant. Miami: 700 miles close. US bases in Puerto Rico: right there.

5.
Obama's Defense Secretary Robert Gates said, "I don't know how this government could have responded faster or more comprehensively than it has." We know Gates doesn't know.

6.
From my own work in the field, I know that FEMA has access to ready-to-go potable water, generators, mobile medical equipment and more for hurricane relief on the Gulf Coast. It's all still there. Army Lt. Gen. Russel Honoré, who served as the task force commander for emergency response after Hurricane Katrina, told the Christian Science Monitor, “I thought we had learned that from Katrina, take food and water and start evacuating people." Maybe we learned but, apparently, Gates and the Defense Department missed school that day.

7.
Send in the Marines. That's America's response. That's what we're good at. The aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson finally showed up after three days. With what? It was dramatically deployed — without any emergency relief supplies. It has sidewinder missiles and 19 helicopters.

8.
But don't worry, the International Search and Rescue Team, fully equipped and self-sufficient for up to seven days in the field, deployed immediately with ten metric tons of tools and equipment, three tons of water, tents, advanced communication equipment and water purifying capability. They're from Iceland.

9.
Gates wouldn't send in food and water because, he said, there was no "structure ... to provide security." For Gates, appointed by Bush and allowed to hang around by Obama, it's security first. That was his lesson from Hurricane Katrina. Blackwater before drinking water.

10.
Previous US presidents have acted far more swiftly in getting troops on the ground on that island. Haiti is the right half of the island of Hispaniola. It's treated like the right testicle of Hell. The Dominican Republic the left. In 1965, when Dominicans demanded the return of Juan Bosch, their elected President, deposed by a junta, Lyndon Johnson reacted to this crisis rapidly, landing 45,000 US Marines on the beaches to prevent the return of the elected president.

11.
How did Haiti end up so economically weakened, with infrastructure, from hospitals to water systems, busted or non-existent - there are two fire stations in the entire nation - and infrastructure so frail that the nation was simply waiting for "nature" to finish it off?

Don’t blame Mother Nature for all this death and destruction. That dishonor goes to Papa Doc and Baby Doc, the Duvalier dictatorship, which looted the nation for 28 years. Papa and his Baby put an estimated 80% of world aid into their own pockets - with the complicity of the US government happy to have the Duvaliers and their voodoo militia, Tonton Macoutes, as allies in the Cold War. (The war was easily won: the Duvaliers’ death squads murdered as many as 60,000 opponents of the regime.)

12.
What Papa and Baby didn't run off with, the IMF finished off through its "austerity" plans. An austerity plan is a form of voodoo orchestrated by economists zomby-fied by an irrational belief that cutting government services will somehow help a nation prosper.

13.
In 1991, five years after the murderous Baby fled, Haitians elected a priest, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who resisted the IMF's austerity diktats. Within months, the military, to the applause of Papa George HW Bush, deposed him.
History repeats itself, first as tragedy, then as farce. The farce was George W. Bush. In 2004, after the priest Aristide was re-elected President, he was kidnapped and removed again, to the applause of Baby Bush.

14.
Haiti was once a wealthy nation, the wealthiest in the hemisphere, worth more, wrote Voltaire in the 18th century, than that rocky, cold colony known as New England. Haiti's wealth was in black gold: slaves. But then the slaves rebelled - and have been paying for it ever since.

From 1825 to 1947, France forced Haiti to pay an annual fee to reimburse the profits lost by French slaveholders caused by their slaves’ successful uprising. Rather than enslave individual Haitians, France thought it more efficient to simply enslave the entire nation.

15.
Secretary Gates tells us, "There are just some certain facts of life that affect how quickly you can do some of these things." The Navy's hospital boat will be there in, oh, a week or so. Heckuva job, Brownie!

16.
Note just received from my friend. Her sister was found, dead; and her other sister had to bury her. Her father needs his anti-seizure medicines. That's a fact of life too, Mr. President.

***
Through our journalism network, we are trying to get my friend's medicines to her father. If any reader does have someone getting into or near Port-au-Prince, please contact Haiti@GregPalast.com immediately.

Urgently recommended reading - The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, the history of the successful slave uprising in Hispaniola by the brilliant CLR James.

Friday, January 15, 2010

"Naomi Klein: Don't Let The Disaster Capitalists Get Their Hands On Haiti" (with video)


Susie Madrak (Crooks and Liars) with video (04:12):
[H/t Heather.]

Haiti was a nation of farmers, but thanks to the strings attached to U.S. aid, government policies made profitable farming unprofitable. So the farmers were pushed to the cities to provide a cheap manufacturing labor force. All those people you see on the TV in their shattered shantytowns? We helped put them there. With exploitative loans and yes, even a classic CIA-backed coup, we helped create this mess.

Here's Naomi Klein, the author of "The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism," speaking Wednesday night at the Ethical Culture Society to warn us against it happening again:

But as I write about in The Shock Doctrine, crises are often used now as the pretext for pushing through policies that you cannot push through under times of stability. Countries in periods of extreme crisis are desperate for any kind of aid, any kind of money, and are not in a position to negotiate fairly the terms of that exchange.

And I just want to pause for a second and read you something, which is pretty extraordinary. I just put this up on my website. The headline is “Haiti: Stop Them Before They Shock Again.” This went up a few hours ago, three hours ago, I believe, on the Heritage Foundation website.

“Amidst the Suffering, Crisis in Haiti Offers Opportunities to the U.S. In addition to providing immediate humanitarian assistance, the U.S. response to the tragic earthquake in Haiti earthquake offers opportunities to re-shape Haiti’s long-dysfunctional government and economy as well as to improve the image of the United States in the region.” And then goes on.

Now, I don’t know whether things are improving or not, because it took the Heritage Foundation thirteen days before they issued thirty-two free market solutions for Hurricane Katrina. We put that document up on our website, as well. It was close down the housing projects, turn the Gulf Coast into a tax-free free enterprise zone, get rid of the labor laws that forces contractors to pay a living wage. Yeah, so it took them thirteen days before they did that in the case of Katrina. In the case of Haiti, they didn’t even wait twenty-four hours.

Now, why I say I don’t know whether it’s improving or not is that two hours ago they took this down. So somebody told them that it wasn’t couth. And then they put up something that was much more delicate. Fortunately, the investigative reporters at Democracy Now! managed to find that earlier document in a Google cache. But what you’ll find now is a much gentler “Things to Remember While Helping Haiti.” And buried down there, it says, “Long-term reforms for Haitian democracy and its economy are also badly overdue.”

But the point is, we need to make sure that the aid that goes to Haiti is, one, grants, not loans. This is absolutely crucial. This is an already heavily indebted country. This is a disaster that, as Amy said, on the one hand is nature, is, you know, an earthquake; on the other hand is the creation, is worsened by the poverty that our governments have been so complicit in deepening. Crises—natural disasters are so much worse in countries like Haiti, because you have soil erosion because the poverty means people are building in very, very precarious ways, so houses just slide down because they are built in places where they shouldn’t be built. All of this is interconnected. But we have to be absolutely clear that this tragedy, which is part natural, part unnatural, must, under no circumstances, be used to, one, further indebt Haiti, and, two, to push through unpopular corporatist policies in the interests of our corporations.

And this is not a conspiracy theory. They have done it again and again.

Democracy Now!: Randall Robinson on Haiti's "Unbroken Agony" (with video/audio)

Democracy Now! with video/audio (22:13):
We speak with TransAfrica founder Randall Robinson, author of An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, from Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President. On President Obama tapping former President Bill Clinton and former President George W Bush to co-chair US relief efforts in Haiti, Robinson says, “Bush was responsible for destroying Haitian democracy…Clinton has largely sponsored a program of economic development that supports the idea of sweatshops… but that is not what we should focus on now. We should focus on saving lives.”

Pat Robertson and the devil's politics (video)


Huff Po with video (06:31) from CNN:
Arianna joined The Nation's Ari Melber and former evangelist Frank Schaeffer on The Joy Behar Show Thursday. The panel weighed in on evangelist Pat Robertson's claims that the earthquake in Haiti is the result of that country's "pact with the devil."