Wednesday, January 20, 2010

Robert Scheer: "What Massachusetts Got Right" (Updated)

UPDATE: Greenwald weighs in with "It's the fault of the all-powerful left."

(AP Photo/Steven Senne)Democratic candidate and Massachusetts Attorney General Martha Coakley concedes after losing a special election held to fill the U.S. Senate seat left vacant by the death of Sen. Edward Kennedy on Tuesday in Boston.

Robert Scheer:
The president got creamed in Massachusetts. No amount of blaming this disastrous outcome on the weaknesses of the local Democratic candidate or her Republican opponent’s strengths can gainsay that fact. Obama’s opportunistic search for win-win solutions to our health care concerns and our larger economic problems is leading to a lose-lose outcome for the president and the country.
The two issues that mattered on Election Day were the economy, which Obama has sold out to Wall Street—as quite a few disgruntled voters pointed out—and his plea to save health care reform, which the voters who had backed him for the presidency with a huge majority now spurned. It is significant that it was the voters of Massachusetts who have now derailed the Democrats’ efforts to revamp the country’s health care system by denying them the necessary 60th vote in the Senate, for these voters know the subject well.

The federal proposal is based on their own state’s model requiring people to obtain health insurance without the state doing anything to effectively control costs through an alternative to the private insurance corporations. Lacking a public option, the cost of health care in Massachusetts, already the highest in the nation at the time of the plan’s implementation, has spiraled upward. Services have been curtailed, and many, particularly younger people, feel they are being forced to sacrifice to pay for a system that doesn’t work.

Instead of blindly following the failed Massachusetts model, Obama should have insisted on an extension of the Medicare program to all who are willing to pay for it. He squandered the opportunity to bring about meaningful health care change that the public would have supported had it been kept simple and just. Instead, Obama gave away the store to medical profiteers. They, in turn, hopelessly muddied the waters with well-funded scare advertising tactics that principled leadership on Obama’s part could have thwarted.

A mere seven months ago, The New York Times/ CBS poll found that 72% of Americans “supported a government-administered insurance plan—something like Medicare for those under 65—that would compete for customers with private insurers.” Even half of those identified as Republican said they would back such a public plan, as would three out of four independents and 90% of Democrats. Instead of heeding that call by endorsing a serious extension of Medicare, along with increased subsidies for those who could not afford it, Obama played to the conservatives in Congress—and they rolled him.

If he wasn’t prepared to make a breakthrough in health care, and that meant a reform program that would begin sooner rather than later, he should have put it on a back burner. The furor over a very unsatisfactory plan drew attention from the far bigger crisis concerning the meltdown of the nation’s economy. By accepting and indeed expanding the Bush administration’s strategy of throwing money at Wall Street, Obama ceded the populist label to the Tea Party Republicans who now pretend that a banking mess brought about by their radical deregulatory philosophy is not of their making.

It is the economy, stupid, and the sooner Obama grasps that, the better for his and the nation’s prospects. A new Wall Street Journal/NBC poll finds that “Americans ranked job creation and economic growth as their clear top priority for the federal government, well above national security and deficit reduction. Health care, Mr. Obama’s top domestic priority in 2009, now ranks fourth, closely trailing the deficit and government spending.”

Of course, the public is right. In the midst of the worst economic crisis in 70 years, why waste enormous political capital battling to pass a health care plan that is modeled on a proven failure in Massachusetts, as voters there clearly registered? Meanwhile, the president has dropped the ball in the effort to make bankers act responsibly by forcing them to forego outrageous bonuses and help homeowners stay in their homes.

Again quoting the message of that Wall Street Journal/NBC poll: “The president’s focus on health care amid heightened job concerns could be hurting his ratings. At the one-year mark of his presidency, 35% of Americans said they were ‘quite’ or extremely’ confident he had the right priorities to improve the economy, down from 46% at midyear.” The Journal noted that a majority disapproved of the government’s response to the financial crisis, adding, “The related problem for Mr. Obama is the public’s lingering anger about the bailouts of 2008 and 2009, which helped boost bank profits even as unemployment grew—a toxic political problem.”
To salvage his presidency, Obama must reverse course and make solving the “toxic political problem” of Wall Street greed that’s bankrupting the country his highest priority.
Howie P.S.: As I have said before, Scheer's been right on almost everything since he came to my university in 1965 to object to the Vietnam war.

Arianna: "Time to course correct" (video)

Huff TV, video (04:46).

Howie P.S.: Arianna and Keith Olbermann pundisize MA.

Josh Marshall: "This is why the Dems have no choice but to have the House pass the senate bill"

(Christina Bellantoni) |TPM:
Health Care Comes To Screeching Halt - Sen. Webb: No HCR Votes Until Brown Seated--Less than 15 minutes after the race was called for Republican Scott Brown, the first of what could be many conservative Democrats asks for leadership to put the brakes on health care reform.

Sen. Jim Webb (D-VA) congratulated Brown on his win and delivered a zinger:

"In many ways the campaign in Massachusetts became a referendum not only on health care reform but also on the openness and integrity of our government process. It is vital that we restore the respect of the American people in our system of government and in our leaders. To that end, I believe it would only be fair and prudent that we suspend further votes on health care legislation until Senator-elect Brown is seated."

DKos: "Should Dean be in charge of the DNC again?" (with poll)

jhawklefty's diary on Kos:
Poll

Should Dean be in charge of the DNC again?

94%5219 votes
3%175 votes
2%136 votes

| 5530 votes | Vote | Results


Howie P.S.: Go here to vote.

Tuesday, January 19, 2010

Howard Dean: "Time for Dems to get tough" (video)


MSNBC-Rachel Maddow, video (04:05).

Peter Daou: "Liberal Bloggers to Obama and Dems: We Told You So"


Peter Daou:
It took more than half a decade, countless American and Iraqi deaths in a war based on lies, a sinking economy and the drowning of an American city to finally kill Bush-Cheney-Rove's dream of a conservative realignment.

Democrats, controlling the White House and both houses of Congress, have managed to kill their own dream of dominance in 12 months.

How did it happen?

Theories abound, but two diametrically opposed narratives have taken hold:

The first, promulgated by conservatives, is that the new administration has moved too far to the left and alienated a large swath of independent and moderate voters.

The second, pushed by progressive activists and bloggers, is that the administration hasn't been true enough to fundamental Democratic principles, has embraced some of Bush's worst excesses on civil liberties, and has ditched popular ideas (like the public option) in favor of watered down centrist policies, thus looking weak and ineffectual.

The conservative argument is unpersuasive. After years of a systematic effort by the right to use Overton-style tactics to radicalize our national discourse, the center has moved so far right that the left is barely recognizable. With a military surge in Afghanistan, a denuded health insurance bill limping through Congress, Bush-era detainee policies reinforced, a deflated climate summit, and a windfall year for bankers, among other things, it's almost ludicrous to claim that the new administration is run by a gang of lefties.

The case by progressives that Democrats are undermining themselves with faux-bipartisanship and tepid policies gets much closer to the heart of the problem. I've written a number of posts arguing that it's all a matter of values and ethics. In essence: when you fail to govern based on a morally sound, well-articulated, solidly-grounded set of ideals, you look weak. All the legislative wins in the world won't change that. People gravitate to people who exude moral authority. The vast majority of voters lack the detailed policy knowledge that would enable them to make an accurate assessment of policy differences, but they do have a visceral sense of when a candidate or an elected official believes in something and fights for it. It's why campaigns are laden with moral arguments; politicians ask to be elected because they'll "do the right thing." The right thing in the current administration's case was to be the anti-Bush, nothing more, nothing less. The ethical antidote to a radical administration. It was both politically smart and morally right. And it worked wonders for Democrats as the entire subtext of the 2008 campaign.

The question of whether President Obama is too far left or not left enough will be at the center of the message wars in the lead-up to the midterms. And because these two themes have been analyzed and fleshed out in countless articles and blog posts, it's tempting to see the events of the past year exclusively through the prism of one or the other.

But I'd like to suggest an additional explanation for the demise of Democratic fortunes, namely, that Democratic leaders made two crucial miscalculations in early 2009. A quick glance at the news a year ago today offers clues. On January 19th, 2009, CBS published the "Obama-Lincoln parallel." The Washington Post wrote about a "bear market for Republicans leaving the Hill or the administration." The same day, techPresident discussed "How the Obama Transition is Using Tech to Innovate." Elsewhere that day, LGBT bloggers were complaining that gay Bishop Gene Robinson's prayer was left out of HBO's live broadcast of the inaugural concert.

In that small selection of stories, key themes emerge: a) Obama is the next Lincoln; b) The Obama online revolution continues; c) Republicans are finished; d) a handful of progressives aren't buying it.

Looking back, it's not that difficult to see how the seeds of today's Republican resurgence were planted in those early days:

1. Democratic leaders and strategists, high on victory and awed by the Obama campaign's online prowess, underestimated the dormant power of the old rightwing message machine.

With a sense of invincibility and of history, and believing that the GOP had been mortally wounded, they engaged and legitimized Rush Limbaugh from the White House podium in the belief that it would further marginalize Republicans. It was a mammoth mistake, since it was Rush, Hannity, Drudge, Fox, rightwing blogs, town hall protesters and old-fashioned chain emails that permanently defined the health care debate. Obama's vaunted online army was outgunned and outmaneuvered, while a much-ridiculed Tea Party came out of nowhere to transform the political landscape.

2. Democratic leaders and strategists, privately disdainful of the netroots, underestimated the influence of progressive bloggers.

Nothing should have been a bigger red flag to the new administration than the growing complaints by established progressive bloggers that Democrats were veering off track on the stimulus, the health care bill, civil liberties, gay rights, and more. But scoffing at the netroots is second nature in many quarters of the political establishment, even though they laid the groundwork for Obama's victory. The single biggest reason Obama's hope bubble burst is because of the unintended convergence of left and right opinion-making. The cauldron of opinion that churns incessantly on blogs, Twitter, social networks, and in the elite media generates the storylines that filter across the national and local press, providing the fodder for public opinion. Stalwarts of the left, dedicated to principles not personalities, hammered the administration; couple that with the partisan criticisms from conservatives and libertarians, and the net effect was to alter conventional wisdom and undercut Obama's image and message.

I wrote about these problems while they were occurring, as did many other progressive bloggers, some of whom have been ostracized and attacked, even by their peers.

Here's an extended excerpt of something I wrote back in March:

I don't buy into this 'brilliant' strategy of elevating Rush Limbaugh in the hopes that it will tarnish Republicans. Focus relentlessly on the disastrous Bush presidency to tarnish Republicans, yes. Overturn every single illegal and unconstitutional Bush-era policy and show the country and the world that we're reclaiming the moral high ground, yes. Implement bold strategies and use soaring rhetoric to inspire Americans, yes. Hew fiercely to Democratic principles, reassert the greatness of our American identity, demonstrate the true meaning of liberalism, of progressivism, providing opportunity, seeking justice and fairness, helping those in need, yes. Spend our resources healing the sick, feeding the hungry, lifting the poor, cleaning the planet, rather than on war and more war, yes.


But expand Rush Limbaugh's profile and platform? No.

It's bad for the country and it's bad politics. Limbaugh and his cohorts (Coulter, Hannity, Beck, Savage, and so on), are largely responsible for our toxic political environment. Given major media platforms to launch crude and brutal political and cultural attacks, to demonize liberals, and to use rage as a means of lining their own pockets, these 'entertainers' have poisoned our national discourse.

There's precious little benefit in making Limbaugh more of a central player, in engaging him directly from the White House podium, in raising his stature, in stamping, sealing and approving the years he's spent bashing his political opponents. There was a moment, a brief moment, after Barack Obama was elected president, a moment long gone, where the likes of Limbaugh and Hannity could have become marginalized, bit players rather than media movers and shakers, the detritus of a sorry era. But instead, they have been granted more power -- out of some contrived political calculus. This, at a time when we don't need political calculus, we need single-minded determination to get us out of this economic calamity and to restore sanity to our government.

I know it's hard for Democrats to appreciate how quickly political fortunes turn -- the glow of victory, the high of electoral success gives a sense of inevitability and invincibility, of permanence. But there's nothing permanent about power. The tide will turn again, and the engine that will drive it is the fury stirred by the likes of Limbaugh. Feeding that machine, expanding and enhancing it is a mistake. A serious one.

It's a truism that victory makes every decision seem genius, defeat, the reverse. Democrats, now in power, have a sense of triumph that makes every decision feel smart, every chess move a checkmate. Thus the "Rush strategy" foisted on those of us who have spent the past decade trying to point out how noxious and pernicious Limbaugh and his ilk have been (and continue to be), and how detrimental the anger they've stoked.

Empowering Limbaugh in the hopes of a bank-shot against Republicans will yield the opposite result: Limbaugh will become more powerful, Republicans will relish his increased influence and allow him to do their dirty work.

It's easy to feel like the old era is gone, the old demons slain, that we WON, that nobody's afraid of the once-vaunted Republican attack machine. But Barack Obama won that battle against Hillary Clinton not just because of his abundant positive traits but because people like Rush Limbaugh gave him a 15-year head start against her.

The seeds of Democratic defeat are planted not by Republican elected officials, who, like McCain, will carry the Bush albatross for years to come, but by those who can freely fan the flames of outrage, who can fight dirty, who can bend and break the rules with impunity, who can tear down their opponents' integrity and character, and whose apparent reward (as in the case of Ann Coulter) is to be given yet a larger platform.

No thanks.

That summed up how I felt at the time. I got a lot of heat when I wrote it, but I stand by every word.

Progressive bloggers have been jumping up and down, yelling at their Democratic leaders that the path of compromise and pragmatism only goes so far. The limit is when you start compromising away your core values.

I sincerely hope that's the lesson learned today.

Howie P.S.: Add Ed Schultz to the list of those subscribing to theory #2.

"Stewart Tears Apart The Dems On MA-SEN And Health Care" (video)

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Rachel Slajda (TPM) with video from Comedy Central (10:05):
On last night's Daily Show, Jon Stewart tore into the Democrats' handling of both the Massachusetts special election and health care reform.

"Let me see if I have this straight. You need to replace perhaps the most beloved liberal in the history of the Senate with a candidate that believes Curt Schilling is a Yankee fan. Because if this lady loses, the health care reform bill that the beloved late senator considered his legacy will die," Stewart said. "And the reason it will die is because if Coakley loses, Democrats will only have then an 18-vote majority in the Senate. Which is more than George W. Bush ever had in the Senate when he did whenever the f**k he wanted."
Howie P.S.: He didn't get to privatize Social Security.

Wall Street "bet against Obama and now they're paying the price"

David Weidner (MarketWatch):
The traders on Wall Street rarely miss an opportunity, but they did last year, and now the industry is about to pay a price.

Here's how: Back in March, newly minted President Barack Obama, in only his second live prime-time address from the White House, warned Wall Street not to block new regulations.

"Bankers and executives on Wall Street need to realize that enriching themselves on the taxpayer's dime is inexcusable, that the days of outsize rewards and reckless speculation that puts us all at risk have to be over," Obama said.

During the next five months he repeated the message.

Finally, fearing the memo wasn't getting through, he went to Wall Street on Sept. 14 and delivered this admonition:

"There are some in the financial industry who are misreading this moment. Instead of learning the lessons of Lehman and the crisis from which we are still recovering, they are choosing to ignore them. They do so not just at their own peril, but at our nation's."
By now, it's clear that Wall Street heard the message, but wasn't heeding it. Risk-taking went unabated for much of the year. Now, Wall Street is in the process of paying out $145 billion in bonuses, 18% more than was paid in 2008 and slightly more than was doled out in the record bonus year of 2007. See WSJ report on Wall Street bonuses.

Whether leaders such as Lloyd Blankfein at Goldman Sachs Group Inc. (NYSE:GS) , Jamie Dimon at J.P. Morgan (NYSE:JPM) and Vikram Pandit at Citigroup Inc. (NYSE:C) thought the president was bluffing, or that he wouldn't have the support to push through reforms, doesn't matter.

They bet against Obama and now they're paying the price.

Last week the president unveiled a sweeping $90 billion bank tax that would be levied against the 50 biggest banks in the U.S. market. As the new tax was announced, five bank CEOs were being questioned about practices that led to the financial crisis before a new panel, the Financial Inquiry Commission, which is modeled after the board that brought sweeping reforms to Wall Street in the Great Depression.
Obama to Wall Street: Embrace Bank Fees

President Obama comments on Wall Street opposition to new bank fees. Video courtesy of Fox News.

The twin-pronged attack on the industry has put it on the defensive. The recovery of the financial industry as evidenced in big profits announced Friday by J.P. Morgan, show the deepening divide between Main Street's fortunes -- double-digit unemployment and mortgage defaults -- and those on Wall Street. Read more about J.P. Morgan's earnings.

Greed on Wall Street is showing itself to be an uncontrollable urge. Had Wall Street shown some restraint, it likely would have avoided the clampdown coming its way and bought itself time until the populist anger blew over.
Showing restraint

If bonuses had been halved and profits sacrificed for the sake of increased lending or more forgiving terms, big banks and brokerages would have a stronger case if Obama and lawmakers chose to come after them.

Some suggest Wall Street has given in. There's more stock compensation. J.P. Morgan said it set aside just $549 million for investment bankers, down 80% from the third quarter. The bank's bonus pool fell below analysts estimates. And by pre-crisis standards, the industry is paying out less -- from 5% to 10% -- of overall revenues.

The problem, of course, is that 5% to 10% of gazillion dollars is still a king's ransom. In a nation where the median income is somewhere around $50,000, an average bonus of $149,192 isn't going to make anyone feel better -- it's going to make them mad. That amount is still a Wall Street record.

Big banks and brokerages still have some cards to play. They've spent $3.8 billion during the last decade, including $64 million last year, lobbying. In the current election cycle, banks and brokerages have put up $14 million in contributions so far, an amount that ranks only behind the legal and healthcare industries, according to the Federal Election Commission.

The influence that money buys could present a stumbling block to the bank tax and any reforms that may be proposed. But it's a big bet, given the outrage over the $1.2 trillion in support the government has given banks and the markets.

The industry could also be hoping that reform and efforts to curb pay collapse upon themselves. There's no guarantee the Financial Inquiry Commission will bring meaningful reform. And other than a pay review by the Federal Reserve, there are no hard and fast rules governing compensation.

A better bet would have been to show some restraint, if only for a year. Bonus crackdowns would be a tougher sell in an economy where more people were working, wages were rising, home price stabilizing and more credit available. Banks could have lifted bonuses in an environment where everyone was feeling better off.
For now, it looks as if Wall Street has bet wrong -- and it could cost them billions.

Monday, January 18, 2010

"President Obama Rallies For Senate Candidate Martha Coakley In Boston - 01/17/10" (video)


PoliticsCentralX, video Part 1, (10:28), Part Two (10:38), Part Three (07:33).

Wanda Sykes on the Harry Reid/Obama Flap, race relations and MLK Day (video)


Hulu, video (10:42) from The Wanda Sykes Show.

Howie P.S.:
In her opening monologue, Wanda comments on Harry Reid's word choice. In the next segment, Wanda presents readings from online discussions of race and then a celebrity guest panel covers Martin Luther King Day, Pat Robertson, etc. Rich Benjamin says "If MLK Were Around, He Wouldn't Care About Racial Brushfires in the Media -- He'd Be Talking About Poverty." Melissa Harris-Lacewell writes "How Barack Obama is like Martin Luther King, Jr." in The Nation. Reader Advisory: It's not all flowers and candy to either man.

Sunday, January 17, 2010

WA: "Push for Looser Pot Laws Gains Momentum" (Wall Street Journal)

Wall Street Journal:
SEATTLE—A push to legalize marijuana on the West Coast is picking up steam as Washington lawmakers and pot proponents in California and Oregon propose separate measures.

The Washington state legislature will hold a preliminary vote Wednesday on whether to sell pot in state liquor stores, though even its authors say the bill is unlikely to pass. The same day in California, backers of a well-funded ballot measure to legalize marijuana are expected to file more than enough signatures to put the initiative before state voters in November.

Activists have also been busy in Washington state, with one group filing a marijuana-legalization initiative last Monday to put the issue on the November ballot. Activists in Oregon, meanwhile, say they have collected more than half of the signatures they need by July to allow a vote on whether the state should set up a system of medical-marijuana dispensaries.

washpot

(Richard Lee, of Oaksterdam University, looks at cannabis plants maintained by students in July.)

The efforts are part of a national marijuana-legalization movement that has lately been emboldened by several factors, including laws allowing marijuana for medical purposes. The recession may be another reason. With many states suffering big budget deficits, for instance, legalization advocates say the states could benefit from new taxes on the sale of marijuana. In addition, the Obama administration appears to have taken a more-mellow attitude on medical marijuana as societal views about the drug evolve. In a poll last week of 500 adults in Washington state by SurveyUSA, 56% of respondents said legalizing marijuana is a good idea.

"We're beyond a tipping point culturally," said Roger Goodman, a Democrat representing Kirkland, Wash., and other Seattle suburbs in the Washington legislature who co-authored the legalization bill, known as HB 2401. "Now we're at a point where we're figuring out the safest way to end prohibition."

West Coast states—especially California—are particularly in the vanguard of the marijuana-legalization push given the region's more-liberal attitudes toward a variety of issues. Legalization measures in other states, such as Massachusetts and New Hampshire, haven't gotten as far, said Allen St. Pierre, executive director of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws.

Washington lawmakers will vote on a second bill next week that seeks to reduce the penalties for possessing small amounts of marijuana to a $100 fine from a crime with jail time.

Still, there is deep opposition to legalizing marijuana in Washington state from law-enforcement groups and chemical-dependency organizations, many of which argue it would make the drug even more accessible to teenagers than it is currently. Also many argue that marijuana is a "gateway drug," meaning it will lead those using it to moveon to other drugs.

"What message does legalizing marijuana send to the youth of Washington?" asked Riley Harrison, a ninth-grade student, before a packed committee hearing this week in Olympia. "That you're willing to gamble our future for a little tax revenue?"

Washington, California and Oregon are three of 13 states that have medical-marijuana laws, which permit patients with doctors' notes to use the drug. The New Jersey legislature last Monday approved a medical-marijuana bill that will make it the 14th state and outgoing Gov. Jon Corzine is expected to sign it before leaving office next week.

The legality of selling medical marijuana remains tenuous. Federal law considers pot illegal, and enforcement of state laws varies widely among California cities and counties. Last October, though, the Obama administration said it wouldn't aggressively pursue users of medical marijuana where it is legal.

The legalization ballot measure in California was organized by a pot seller in Oakland, Calif., Richard Lee, whose group says the petition now has more than 700,000 signatures, far more than the 434,000 or so it needs to qualify for the November ballot. The measure would let local governments determine how to regulate and tax pot sales.

So far, Mr. Lee says that his business—which includes a medical-pot club and marijuana-business school dubbed Oaksterdam University, named after the city of Amsterdam where marijuana is decriminalized—has spent "a little more than $1 million" supporting the pot-legalization initiative. Mr. Lee says he is optimistic the measure will pass.

An April survey by the Field Poll found that 56% of California voters support legalizing pot and taxing its proceeds as a way of mitigating the state's financial crisis.

The California measure's opponents include various law-enforcement groups represented by lobbyist John Lovell. He says the California Peace Officers' Association, California Narcotic Officers Association and California Police Chiefs' Association are concerned that legalizing pot will lead more impaired drivers and embolden illegal-drug cartels to gain control over a legal industry. "The bottom line for all three groups…is we already have significant criminal and societal problems with alcohol abuse," said Mr. Lovell.

"CBS Craig Ferguson Takes High Road - Talks Aid For Haiti Instead... " whacks Rush (video)


MEDIAite, video (03:31).

Howie P.S.:
Ferguson throws a hard punch at Limbaugh. H/t to Darryl.

"OfA on the line in Mass."

Ben Smith:
A handful of readers emailed this week that Organizing for America, the Obama campaign organization, had been unfairly maligned over the last year because it hadn't had a chance to do the sort of intense, electoral organizing it was good at, instead consigned to hazy issue campaigns.

Wrote one emailer:

In just 5 days OFA has shifted almost all of its focus to the Coakley campaign. A couple of days ago, OFA volunteers made over 25,000 calls into MA, and over 15,000 calls were made last night. To put it in perspective, this article notes that the McCain campaign was making 20,000 dials per month in the pre Palin phase. Many of our calls are to potential volunteers and since they are being asked to fill GOTV shifts OFA could be a serious force multiplier. I'll now go back to reading the latest DKos diary about how OFA can't do anything.

The group is doing a conference call today to rally the troops and celebrate the volunteers who made the most calls. If Coakley pulls it out, the group's effectiveness in a late, intense campaign push will be part of the story.

Saturday, January 16, 2010

Palast---"The Right Testicle of Hell: History of a Haitian Holocaust"

Greg Palast:
Blackwater before drinking water

by Greg Palast for The Huffington Post

1.
Bless the President for having rescue teams in the air almost immediately. That was President Olafur Grimsson of Iceland. On Wednesday, the AP reported that the President of the United States promised, "The initial contingent of 2,000 Marines could be deployed to the quake-ravaged country within the next few days." "In a few days," Mr. Obama?

2.
There's no such thing as a 'natural' disaster. 200,000 Haitians have been slaughtered by slum housing and IMF "austerity" plans.

3.
A friend of mine called. Do I know a journalist who could get medicine to her father? And she added, trying to hold her voice together, "My sister, she's under the rubble. Is anyone going who can help, anyone?" Should I tell her, "Obama will have Marines there in 'a few days'"?

4.
China deployed rescuers with sniffer dogs within 48 hours. China, Mr. President. China: 8,000 miles distant. Miami: 700 miles close. US bases in Puerto Rico: right there.

5.
Obama's Defense Secretary Robert Gates said, "I don't know how this government could have responded faster or more comprehensively than it has." We know Gates doesn't know.

6.
From my own work in the field, I know that FEMA has access to ready-to-go potable water, generators, mobile medical equipment and more for hurricane relief on the Gulf Coast. It's all still there. Army Lt. Gen. Russel Honoré, who served as the task force commander for emergency response after Hurricane Katrina, told the Christian Science Monitor, “I thought we had learned that from Katrina, take food and water and start evacuating people." Maybe we learned but, apparently, Gates and the Defense Department missed school that day.

7.
Send in the Marines. That's America's response. That's what we're good at. The aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson finally showed up after three days. With what? It was dramatically deployed — without any emergency relief supplies. It has sidewinder missiles and 19 helicopters.

8.
But don't worry, the International Search and Rescue Team, fully equipped and self-sufficient for up to seven days in the field, deployed immediately with ten metric tons of tools and equipment, three tons of water, tents, advanced communication equipment and water purifying capability. They're from Iceland.

9.
Gates wouldn't send in food and water because, he said, there was no "structure ... to provide security." For Gates, appointed by Bush and allowed to hang around by Obama, it's security first. That was his lesson from Hurricane Katrina. Blackwater before drinking water.

10.
Previous US presidents have acted far more swiftly in getting troops on the ground on that island. Haiti is the right half of the island of Hispaniola. It's treated like the right testicle of Hell. The Dominican Republic the left. In 1965, when Dominicans demanded the return of Juan Bosch, their elected President, deposed by a junta, Lyndon Johnson reacted to this crisis rapidly, landing 45,000 US Marines on the beaches to prevent the return of the elected president.

11.
How did Haiti end up so economically weakened, with infrastructure, from hospitals to water systems, busted or non-existent - there are two fire stations in the entire nation - and infrastructure so frail that the nation was simply waiting for "nature" to finish it off?

Don’t blame Mother Nature for all this death and destruction. That dishonor goes to Papa Doc and Baby Doc, the Duvalier dictatorship, which looted the nation for 28 years. Papa and his Baby put an estimated 80% of world aid into their own pockets - with the complicity of the US government happy to have the Duvaliers and their voodoo militia, Tonton Macoutes, as allies in the Cold War. (The war was easily won: the Duvaliers’ death squads murdered as many as 60,000 opponents of the regime.)

12.
What Papa and Baby didn't run off with, the IMF finished off through its "austerity" plans. An austerity plan is a form of voodoo orchestrated by economists zomby-fied by an irrational belief that cutting government services will somehow help a nation prosper.

13.
In 1991, five years after the murderous Baby fled, Haitians elected a priest, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who resisted the IMF's austerity diktats. Within months, the military, to the applause of Papa George HW Bush, deposed him.
History repeats itself, first as tragedy, then as farce. The farce was George W. Bush. In 2004, after the priest Aristide was re-elected President, he was kidnapped and removed again, to the applause of Baby Bush.

14.
Haiti was once a wealthy nation, the wealthiest in the hemisphere, worth more, wrote Voltaire in the 18th century, than that rocky, cold colony known as New England. Haiti's wealth was in black gold: slaves. But then the slaves rebelled - and have been paying for it ever since.

From 1825 to 1947, France forced Haiti to pay an annual fee to reimburse the profits lost by French slaveholders caused by their slaves’ successful uprising. Rather than enslave individual Haitians, France thought it more efficient to simply enslave the entire nation.

15.
Secretary Gates tells us, "There are just some certain facts of life that affect how quickly you can do some of these things." The Navy's hospital boat will be there in, oh, a week or so. Heckuva job, Brownie!

16.
Note just received from my friend. Her sister was found, dead; and her other sister had to bury her. Her father needs his anti-seizure medicines. That's a fact of life too, Mr. President.

***
Through our journalism network, we are trying to get my friend's medicines to her father. If any reader does have someone getting into or near Port-au-Prince, please contact Haiti@GregPalast.com immediately.

Urgently recommended reading - The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, the history of the successful slave uprising in Hispaniola by the brilliant CLR James.

Friday, January 15, 2010

"Naomi Klein: Don't Let The Disaster Capitalists Get Their Hands On Haiti" (with video)


Susie Madrak (Crooks and Liars) with video (04:12):
[H/t Heather.]

Haiti was a nation of farmers, but thanks to the strings attached to U.S. aid, government policies made profitable farming unprofitable. So the farmers were pushed to the cities to provide a cheap manufacturing labor force. All those people you see on the TV in their shattered shantytowns? We helped put them there. With exploitative loans and yes, even a classic CIA-backed coup, we helped create this mess.

Here's Naomi Klein, the author of "The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism," speaking Wednesday night at the Ethical Culture Society to warn us against it happening again:

But as I write about in The Shock Doctrine, crises are often used now as the pretext for pushing through policies that you cannot push through under times of stability. Countries in periods of extreme crisis are desperate for any kind of aid, any kind of money, and are not in a position to negotiate fairly the terms of that exchange.

And I just want to pause for a second and read you something, which is pretty extraordinary. I just put this up on my website. The headline is “Haiti: Stop Them Before They Shock Again.” This went up a few hours ago, three hours ago, I believe, on the Heritage Foundation website.

“Amidst the Suffering, Crisis in Haiti Offers Opportunities to the U.S. In addition to providing immediate humanitarian assistance, the U.S. response to the tragic earthquake in Haiti earthquake offers opportunities to re-shape Haiti’s long-dysfunctional government and economy as well as to improve the image of the United States in the region.” And then goes on.

Now, I don’t know whether things are improving or not, because it took the Heritage Foundation thirteen days before they issued thirty-two free market solutions for Hurricane Katrina. We put that document up on our website, as well. It was close down the housing projects, turn the Gulf Coast into a tax-free free enterprise zone, get rid of the labor laws that forces contractors to pay a living wage. Yeah, so it took them thirteen days before they did that in the case of Katrina. In the case of Haiti, they didn’t even wait twenty-four hours.

Now, why I say I don’t know whether it’s improving or not is that two hours ago they took this down. So somebody told them that it wasn’t couth. And then they put up something that was much more delicate. Fortunately, the investigative reporters at Democracy Now! managed to find that earlier document in a Google cache. But what you’ll find now is a much gentler “Things to Remember While Helping Haiti.” And buried down there, it says, “Long-term reforms for Haitian democracy and its economy are also badly overdue.”

But the point is, we need to make sure that the aid that goes to Haiti is, one, grants, not loans. This is absolutely crucial. This is an already heavily indebted country. This is a disaster that, as Amy said, on the one hand is nature, is, you know, an earthquake; on the other hand is the creation, is worsened by the poverty that our governments have been so complicit in deepening. Crises—natural disasters are so much worse in countries like Haiti, because you have soil erosion because the poverty means people are building in very, very precarious ways, so houses just slide down because they are built in places where they shouldn’t be built. All of this is interconnected. But we have to be absolutely clear that this tragedy, which is part natural, part unnatural, must, under no circumstances, be used to, one, further indebt Haiti, and, two, to push through unpopular corporatist policies in the interests of our corporations.

And this is not a conspiracy theory. They have done it again and again.

WNYC: "Democratic Netroots" (audio)

WNYC with audio (14:28):
A report on the first year of Organizing for America was published yesterday, and details the successes and failures of Obama organizing online. Author of the report Ari Melber, correspondent for The Nation and contributing editor to techPresident, and William McNary, president of USAction and co-executive director of Citizen Action/Illinois, discuss the report and the state of the netroots on the left.

Melber's Media Blitz on OFA Report @ The Young Turks: "Top down astroturf?"


The Young Turks, video (08:29).

Democracy Now!: Randall Robinson on Haiti's "Unbroken Agony" (with video/audio)

Democracy Now! with video/audio (22:13):
We speak with TransAfrica founder Randall Robinson, author of An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, from Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President. On President Obama tapping former President Bill Clinton and former President George W Bush to co-chair US relief efforts in Haiti, Robinson says, “Bush was responsible for destroying Haitian democracy…Clinton has largely sponsored a program of economic development that supports the idea of sweatshops… but that is not what we should focus on now. We should focus on saving lives.”

Pat Robertson and the devil's politics (video)


Huff Po with video (06:31) from CNN:
Arianna joined The Nation's Ari Melber and former evangelist Frank Schaeffer on The Joy Behar Show Thursday. The panel weighed in on evangelist Pat Robertson's claims that the earthquake in Haiti is the result of that country's "pact with the devil."

"McGinn's move raises more questions about viaduct tunnel"

Chris Grygiel (seattlepi.com):
Will the tunnel replacement for the Alaskan Way Viaduct be built?

Last year the Legislature OK'd the $4.2 billion project, including $2.8 billion in state funding. Major construction is slated to begin next year. But both the House Speaker and Seattle's new mayor won't say whether the tunnel is a go.

On Wednesday Speaker Frank Chopp, D-Seattle, declined to answer a direct question about whether the project lawmakers signed off on would become reality.

On Thursday at a news conference concerning the viaduct seawall I asked Mayor Mike McGinn: "Do you think the tunnel will be built?"

He said: "This is about the seawall today, issues around the viaduct I'll be happy to address at another time."

The City Council says the tunnel will be built, the governor says the tunnel will be built and the state Department of Transportation says the tunnel will be built. But the reluctance by Chopp and McGinn to answer in the affirmative has interested parties worried. What, exactly, are they up to?

McGinn's feelings about the tunnel are well known. He hates it, preferring a surface option he says would be cheaper and move the city away from its car-centricity.

But just before November's mayoral election McGinn said he wouldn't stand in the way of the tunnel being built, a shift many credit with propelling him to victory. Since then, however, the new mayor has said he doesn't want to fully commit to the project until a clause in the legislation requiring Seattle to pay for cost overruns is removed. Chopp, who insisted the stick-it-to-Seattle clause be included in last year's legislation, and other leading lawmakers say that's not happening.

Critics of the tunnel - and there are many - point out that there are still concerns about how to get the $4.2 billion needed. The state's kicking in the $2.8 billion, with federal funds and $930 million from the city expected to make up a good chunk of the rest.

On Thursday McGinn announced plans for a $241 million property tax levy to help pay for replacing the viaduct seawall - a key component of any viaduct replacement and part of the $930 million needed to pay for the tunnel project. But far from assuaging those concerned about McGinn's plans for the tunnel, the announcement only created more questions.

Publicola reported City Councilmembers were surprised by the seawall plan. They'd need to sign off on it by March to present it to voters by May, as McGinn wants. Also, the ballot measure would require a 60-percent supermajority to pass - hardly a slam dunk for a tax hike during a down economy, even with Seattle's famously levy-loving populace. And just as the viaduct replacement issue is charged by intense debates about the future of the city - so is the seawall project. There are competing constituencies - from the Port to environmentalists to urban planners - who will want more than two months to review it.

There was significant speculation Thursday that the levy proposal was actually part of an elaborate scheme by McGinn and Chopp to stop the tunnel. McGinn spoke forcefully about safety concerns associated with the seawall and the need to replace it sooner rather than later, something his proposal would do. He also correctly noted the seawall is something that has to be fixed, regardless of the viaduct debate.

But until McGinn and Chopp flat out answer whether right now, a year before work on perhaps the biggest construction project in city history is scheduled to begin, they support the tunnel, people will continue read what they want into their actions.And the drama will only fuel the anti-Seattle sentiment in Olympia. Ten state senators have introduced a bill that would basically preclude Jet City from having any significant say in big state transportation projects being built in town.
Howie P.S.: If you need more tunnel talk, check out the comments.

"Can Cheryle Jackson End the War in Afghanistan?" (with video)

truthout, with video (00:31):
Add Illinois to Pennsylvania as states where there is a contested Senate primary in which the war in Afghanistan has become an issue.
The Chicago Tribune reports that the two leading contenders for the Democratic nomination for Barack Obama's former seat in the Senate have staked out diametrically opposed positions. A Tribune poll last month reported that Alexi Giannoulias and Cheryle Jackson were the leading contenders for the Democratic nomination. On Afghanistan, the Tribune reports that Cheryle Jackson wants to end the war, while Giannoulias supports it:

"It is time to take care of America again and time to bring our troops home," said Democratic Senate contender Cheryle Jackson, a former president of the Chicago Urban League. "Until we stop spending hundreds of billions on wars, we will not have the focus or money to solve the challenges we face at home."

But first-term state Treasurer Alexi Giannoulias, a Democrat, said he fully supported Obama's strategy for Afghanistan and indicated that those who oppose it are engaging in wishful thinking.

Indeed, Cheryle Jackson's first TV ad takes direct aim at the wars - "It's time to leave Afghanistan and Iraq":

The leading contenders for the Democratic nomination for Senate in Pennsylvania have also staked out opposing positions, with incumbent Sen. Arlen Specter opposing military escalation and challenger Joe Sestak supporting military escalation.

It is, of course, during the election cycle - especially the primary election cycle - that our political system is most vulnerable to public opinion, and that vulnerability, if seized upon, can have a lasting effect on national politics. As a result of the 2006 primary election cycle - in which, most prominently, Ned Lamont defeated Joe Lieberman for the Democratic nomination for Senate in Connecticut - opposition to the war in Iraq became established nationally as the predominant Democratic position, and the subsequent Washington fight over Iraq policy helped pave the way for a timetable for the withdrawal of US forces to which the Bush administration ultimately agreed. At the beginning of the 2008 presidential primary cycle, all the leading contenders for the Democratic nomination - including Barack Obama - were insisting that the US must threaten Iran with military force. By the end of the cycle, Obama was the diplomacy candidate.

Spectacularly, even opposition to US policies towards Israel and the Palestinians is surfacing in the Jane Harman-Marcy Winograd race, with Rep. Henry Waxman accusing Winograd of insufficient loyalty to Israel and Winograd standing her ground.

So, if you want to change national policy - in particular, if you want to end the war in Afghanistan - now is the time to raise your voice. Find out where the candidates in the Senate and House primaries stand on the wars - and raise the alarm.
Howie P.S.: Pennsylvania is a tough call for me.

Thursday, January 14, 2010

Even MORE Melber on OFA: From "permanent campaign" to "permanent field program"

Ari Melber (The Nation):
A year ago this weekend, Barack Obama's victorious campaign network was converted into Organizing for America (OFA), a new arm of the Democratic National Committee that lobbies and organizes for Obama's domestic agenda, a departure from the DNC's traditional electoral focus. That move marked the beginning of an unusual experiment.

No president has ever managed the federal government while simultaneously attempting to lead a wired supporter network that can talk to itself, and organize itself, on a local and potentially national scale. And while presidents have always attempted to reach the public by routing around Congress and the media, no previous administration has ever possessed such a massive, interactive list of supporters.

In its first year, OFA has frequently communicated with its 13 million members, and mobilized hundreds of thousands to take concrete actions, from organizing local events to visiting and calling members of Congress. Is this another campaign?

Strategists and scholars have long defined the modern presidency as a "permanent campaign." The concept was most famously enunciated by President Carter's pollster, Patrick Caddell, who argued it was no longer possible to separate "politics and government." "Governing with public approval requires a continuing political campaign," Caddell wrote in 1976, in an influential transition memo for the new President. Sidney Blumenthal, a journalist who later served in the Clinton White House, wrote "The Permanent Campaign" in 1982, a book warning that presidential governance was sliding into a model of constant politicking--an "engineering of consent with a vengeance." Political scientists have sought to demonstrate these trends, measuring increases in campaign-style media and fundraising activity by recent Presidents.

These analyses of the modern presidency, however, are premised on a view that defines "campaigning" as media messaging, political outreach and fundraising. In the current era, however, a key distinction is a new, permanent field campaign--contacting, organizing and mobilizing voters about governance between elections.

OFA marks the first time a political party has deployed a permanent field program with its own communications channel to contact and organize volunteers to advance a policy agenda between elections. The national parties' previous experiments with off-season field efforts were limited to electoral goals, like the "50 State Strategy;" gestures towards policy "campaigns" that did not include actual field mobilization; or "citizen corps" that attempted to advance general support for a President's agenda, but without a dedicated mass communications channel like email, or a coordinated national event program.

Within the first year of the Obama administration, by contrast, OFA deployed a paid staff in 50 states for an ongoing field policy effort. Based primarily on OFA, in fact, the DNC is on pace to assemble the largest paid staff in its history. Growing out of a remarkably vast campaign network and aided by breakthroughs in communications technology, OFA presents a novel opportunity for policy advocacy and party building.

Political scientist Daniel Galvin, who has studied "presidential party building" in the modern era, contends that OFA has fundamentally different assets and objectives than the conventional model of national political parties. While the traditional DNC is "charged with electoral-support responsibilities, such as aiding state and local parties, recruiting and supporting candidates," Galvin writes, "OFA's mandate is different: it is to carry out policy-publicity responsibilities, such as building support for the president's legislative agenda, articulating his ideas, and countering the opposition's attacks." This foundation presents high stakes for Obama and the Democratic Party in general, Galvin argues:

... OFA itself makes Obama much better positioned to make serious party-building inroads than his predecessors ever were. None of his predecessors had such a well-organized and vibrant campaign organization, and none opted to fold what they did have into the DNC. Obama has already done so... But because OFA holds the promise of so much organizational power, the stakes could not be higher. If Obama converts OFA into a multipurpose [policy and electoral] entity that can help the party enhance its myriad electoral operations at all levels, he can change the course of the Democratic Party's history. If he does not, he risks more than a loss of momentum: he risks falling behind a Republican Party that has not abandoned its own organizational party building even as it drifts...

Departing from electoral objectives is difficult, of course. A permanent field campaign to advance governing, rather than electioneering, requires rallying support for specific policy initiatives. It is harder to sell policy than candidates, which is why, after all, so many political campaigns focus on biography, values and symbolism over the content of candidates' actual platforms. Yet OFA has consolidated Democratic infrastructure with policy as the core focus of its first year, primarily health care, with an outreach strategy that essentially operates on two tracks.

At the broadest level, OFA does outreach and organizing to build social, diffused support for the administration's priorities. Through local events, meetings and petition drives, for example, OFA can try to boost the awareness, support and enthusiasm for specific initiatives. On this indirect track, a resulting increase in support might be demonstrated through turnout at events; citizen voices in letters to the editor; local media coverage; people's conversations with their neighbors; or even through national polling on support for Obama's agenda.

This approach can be conceived as "mandate support." It operates on the premise that Presidents enact more of their agenda when their public mandate is large--or perceived to be large. In this model, a President aims to maintain his base not only for reelection (a political goal), but also because maintaining base support helps enact the administration's policies (a governing goal). While the traditional mechanism for such backing was through political, financial and media efforts, not sustained field organizing, the strategic framework is quite similar.

The other track for OFA is directly lobbying Congress. Obama supporters are asked to engage their members of Congress regarding the administration's agenda through phone calls, office meetings and local events. OFA typically encourages supporters to use a positive tone to voice support for a general administration plan or set of principles, such as "health care reform," without drawing more precise lines. (Some OFA volunteers find that approach vexing, since it's even harder to hold politicians accountable without detailed demands.) The posture ranges from encouraging members of Congress to vote for the administration's agenda, to thanking individual members for votes backing the administration, to pressing selected members who vote against key items on the agenda. Unlike many lobbying and advocacy groups, OFA's direct lobbying track generally avoided more confrontational postures towards elected Democrats in 2009.

Proponents of such field policy efforts contend that governance organizing expands the civic and political opportunities for engagement, providing citizens with a tangible way to volunteer and advocate beyond the confines of an electoral campaign. By tapping the interest in a popular President, (at least among his base), OFA can even recruit new governance activists who would not be as likely to engage the legislative process under the status quo, or through actions that focused on their individual member of Congress. (After all, most voters cannot even name their member of Congress.) And Obama's political allies tend to view OFA as a basic opportunity for supporters to advance the agenda they backed in the election.

According to OFA, in 2009, the governance organizing program attracted new volunteers who were not active during the campaign. More broadly, grassroots governance organizing, by either political party, might mitigate some of the distorted influences in the current political market. If the media and financial machinery of the modern presidential policymaking already operate a permanent campaign, a program engaging more regular citizens--as supportive volunteers or persuadable decision-makers--could restore some balance to a process that often focuses on media and financial advocacy more than pressure from grassroots activists.

Others caution that simply layering a field component over a permanent campaign model could actually heighten some problematic trends in civic life. The academic literature on permanent campaigns, and the increasing politicization of the entire federal government bureaucracy, raises this concern. "Campaigning is geared to one unambiguous, [competitive] decision point in time," argues one such critique, contrasting that dynamic to a governing ideal that would proceed more cooperatively. This argument, also reflected in public opinion that dislikes "partisan bickering," raises the prospect that constant campaigning fosters an adversarial, rather than collaborative, approach to governing.

A related concern focuses on the growth of the modern "plebiscitary presidency," in which presidents increasingly make appeals directly to the public, rather than working with the representative branch of government, especially after the Bush era. Fortifying that model with a powerful, national whip operation could further undermine Congress' autonomy, in this narrative.

And finally, there are practical politics. Many progressives and Obama allies are weighing whether OFA's first year provided an organizing program that is both effective and empowering for its members, with an eye towards the rest of Obama's tenure. Some former Obama campaign aides, for example, are concerned about whether OFA is maintaining the meaningful, successful relationships developed among Obama supporters during the presidential campaign.

So it's an interesting time to take stock. I recently interviewed OFA volunteers, congressional staff and veterans of Obama's presidential campaign to tackle these questions--interested readers can find summary findings and the full report at this dedicated page: Year One of Organizing for America: The Permanent Field Campaign in a Digital Age. (There is also a live conversation on Twitter with this hashtag: #ofayear1)

If there is one certainty about OFA's future, it is that the organization's priorities will change in 2010. After a year devoted to health care reform, OFA must choose a new agenda to engage its members.

More Melber: "Why Obama's Organizing Arm Can't Win On The Hill" (Huff Po)

Ari Melber (HuffPo):
The reviews of the President's first year are rolling in, but most neglect the biggest force that Obama brought to Washington: His volunteer army.

In a break from the national parties' playbook, Obama rolled his massive supporter network into a dedicated advocacy operation at the DNC, "Organizing for America" (OFA), one year ago this weekend.

The New Permanent Field Campaign

While a "permanent campaign" philosophy has ruled Washington since the Carter era, OFA is the first time a party is running a permanent field campaign, wired with email, to advance an administration's policies. The unusual experiment could strengthen Obama's position with increasingly nervous Congressional Democrats. There are also risks. Since OFA contacts and summons Obama's most active backers - his financial and field foundation - the program's fate can impact today's fundraising and tomorrow's elections.

So far, OFA's work has been cast as everything from an "unparalleled" and "incredible" success - right here at Huffington Post by OFA's Jeremy Bird - to an ineffective "bust," by McClatchy reporter Frank Greve. But there are not many detailed reports on OFA's track record and impact.

To pinpoint what OFA is actually doing in the field, and how it's playing on Capitol Hill, I recently conducted interviews with congressional staff, former Obama campaign staff, and about 70 Obama supporters active in the OFA grassroots. This post covers a few points -- the entire report is available at techPresident.com/OFAYear1.

High Turnout

In its first year, OFA successfully mobilized and sustained a new corps of "super activists" around the health care battle. Often below the radar, these governance activists are volunteering several hours a week, or more. Many are new to politics. The national data is striking: OFA members spent a cumulative 200,000 hours volunteering in 2009, organizing 37,000 local events, driving 65,000 people to attend lobbying events, and showering newspapers with a quarter million letters to the editor on health care.

My anecdotal surveys found similar trends. Many Obama supporters continue to volunteer, and four different types of OFA members seem to be emerging.

Leading the pack are super activists, who are enthusiastically seizing on governance activism opportunities to volunteer at rates that rival campaign season. Obama Campaign Field Director Jon Carson credited "super volunteers," people working 20 to 40 hours a week, for providing the campaign an "extra layer of staff" in 2008. Many are still going strong.

Then there are critical participants, people who volunteer for OFA while voicing skepticism about some of Obama's decisions.

Other OFA members have become supportive bystanders: They intensely back Obama but decline volunteer opportunities, either because they do not feel needed or are simply busy with other things.

Finally, I did encounter a few former members. These Obama voters simply tuned out OFA in response to its first year program. But they still tend to feel positively towards Obama.

Low Impact on The Hill

While this mobilization is high, most congressional staff interviewed said OFA's efforts are not changing votes on Capitol Hill.

Democratic staff noted that most of the lobbying targeted offices that already backed Obama's health care plan. The reinforcement was welcome, said Democratic aides, but it did not add to the whip count. In the office of a conservative Democrat who voted against Obama's health care, one staffer was hopeful OFA would still "change some minds" and cultivate a more progressive "community" in the district. But the aide said that had not happened yet. And OFA did not mobilize people to aggressively confront Obama's Democratic opposition.

Some Republican staff said they were aware of OFA's field work, but they contended it was not changing public opinion back home. "Even with the OFA push, we've still just seen, for our district, overwhelmingly people are against the bill," observed a House G.O.P. aide. Other Republicans said they had not seen a major OFA presence last year.

Boxed in by the White House

In interviews with former members of the Obama campaign, a common theme was that in many ways, OFA's job is harder than electing Obama in the first place. "How do you recapture a grassroots movement of people fighting Washington insiders when you're sitting inside Washington trying to direct this movement?" asked one former staffer. OFA is in a "very tough position," this person added.

But other Chicago veterans said OFA's first year revealed shortcomings at the White House.

"Rahm and whomever else [at the White House don't] give a crap about this email list and don't think it's a very useful thing," concluded one former campaign aide. "This is the most unprecedented list by far in political history, with the potential to be an incredible tool for social change and a legislative hammer to help pass progressive reform. Yet it doesn't feel like it's being treated that way [by the White House]," argued the former aide, who was concerned that repetitive, top-down emails would "weaken" the volunteer network.

Another former campaign aide agreed, saying, "I don't think the White House is interested in using a grassroots organizing network to really advance their agenda. I can say that flat out." OFA's first year activities revealed the costs of David Plouffe's absence, according to this person, who supported more confrontational and targeted strategies towards Congress. "I think the absence of Plouffe is really felt. When you talk about the top echelons of campaign, who are the people who got the technology, got the organizing and got the network, the single person at the center of that was David Plouffe," the former staffer contended. "And without him in the room on a daily basis, I think the technology and the grassroots networks get a lot less attention."

OFA usually functioned as a single-issue lobbying group in 2009, hammering health care every month. That will certainly change this year, as the agenda evolves. The challenge is turning field work around the country into clout inside the Beltway.

Andrew Sullivan---Watching Beck And Palin: "God Played An Essential Role In The Founding Of This Nation" (video)


Andrew Sullivan, with video (06:15):
Just listen to the beginning of their restaurant chat, appropriating both the WTC site and the Statue of Liberty.
More to the point, listen to the framework of their discussion. The core concept is a "re-founding" of America. Beck writes a few sentences in his notebook, suggesting that Palin and only Palin is capable of saving the United States from the "radical, revolutionary crazy people" (Obama, Clinton) and relentless progressives (McCain). There's a combination of simmering class ressentiment, and a profound sense of self-pity:

Tomorrow I meet Sarah Palin and family for the first time. I am actually a little nervous as she is one of the only people that I can see who can possibly lead us out of where we are in. I don't know yet if she's strong enough if she's well-enough advised, or if she knows she can no longer trust anyone. I don't know if she can lead us and not lose her soul.

Here you have a confluence of many of the themes of the far right. Distrust of everything in politics, of every politician, of the "system" that has been co-opted by mysterious and menacing elites, and a sense of total beleaguerment in the modern world. And the interpretation of Obama as a hoax foisted on the country by these elites, an alien, subversive danger to "real America".

What you have is a new kind of radical right fusionism. The anti-government, populist streak taps into class resentment, and broader anger at what has been a terrible period for fiscal responsibility. But the narrative also fits precisely into the evangelical-Christianist narrative of being misunderstood and persecuted by the world, a constant humiliation and alienation ... that leads to a series of events in which things on earth get much worse until a leader, a new Esther, emerges to save us.

The more you listen to Palin, you sense a shift in her consciousness, a shift that she is indeed the woman chosen to save this country - chosen by God. "It is God's plan" was Palin's reaction to losing the election.

And the plan is that she will lose once only to be resurrected at the head of a large army of disaffected and alienated Christianists, a brigade of anti-government populists, channeled and organized directly by a media outlet that has long since abandoned the role of a neutral journalistic organization.

FNC is now the RNC. The strategy is clear: demonize Obama as a threat from within (the classic McCarthyite paranoid tradition, given more oomph by race and religion), add a whiff of the idea that he is deliberately weakening America to allow Islamic terrorists kill us, portray even obviously emergency moves, like bailing out the banks, as a plan to take over the entire economy and socialize it, and wrap it all up in a coded religious eschatology.

If you are not alarmed by this development - a new, proto-fascist political party being recreated on television in front of our very eyes - then you have not read much history.

Ari Melber with Chuck Todd on MSNBC on OFA (video)

MSNBC, video (03:44).

Howie P.S.: Ari gets wall-to-wall coverage here because he grew up in Seattle, and still comes back to visit his parents.

Peter Beinart: "Harold Ford Implodes"

Peter Beinart (Daily Beast):
New York’s would-be senator admits he gets regular pedicures, avoids the subway, and visits the five boroughs by chopper. Peter Beinart on how not to run for office.---It was the most embarrassing interview I’ve ever read by a politician not named Sarah Palin. This week, The New York Times asked Harold Ford Jr. about his potential Senate bid in New York. Why does he now support gay marriage, having voted against it twice when he was a congressman from Tennessee? His answer: “maturation.” Hard to know quite what that means, given that in a 2006 television ad he said his opposition was rooted in his “faith” in “God.”
Then The Times turned to abortion. Why is Ford now pro-choice, having previously declared that “I’m pro-life” and “I don’t run from that”? It’s all a big mistake, Ford explained. By “pro-life” he meant his support for “benefits to veterans” and “equal pay treatment to National Guardsmen.” Nothing about abortion at all.

By this point, one assumes, Ford’s flak is lying dead on the floor, having impaled himself with his BlackBerry.

Then The Times asked about Ford’s experience in New York. (He established legal residence there last year, still holds a Tennessee driver’s license, and was considering running for office in the Volunteer State as recently as 2008). Turns out Ford was always a New Yorker at heart. New York City, he explained, is one “of really two cities [the other being Palo Alto] in the country where the outlook is always forward-looking.” (Evidently, Memphis—the city where Ford was born and raised and which he represented in Congress—is already being thrown under the bus.) So has he been to all five boroughs? Yes, in fact—by helicopter!—on a tour for business leaders given by “Chief Kelly, Commissioner Kelly” (whatever). And he can’t wait to see Rochester.

Does he take the subway? Not usually, since NBC—where he’s a pundit—will usually “send a car.” But he does occasionally take the No. 6 train, if “it’s wintertime and I can’t get a taxi on Fifth.”

By this point, one assumes, Ford’s flak is lying dead on the floor, having impaled himself with his BlackBerry. How else to explain what happens next? “Jets or Giants?” asks The Times reporter innocuously. To which Ford begins, “I had breakfast about every morning when I am in town or should I say, several mornings, at the Regency.” (Note to aspiring politicians: When trying to establish one’s local credentials, don’t say you have breakfast in the state “when I am in town.” And when trying to establish one’s populist credentials, don’t say you eat breakfast every morning at an ultra-luxury hotel.) Ford, it turns out, favors the Giants. Because he thinks Mark Sanchez will never be able to read defenses as well as Eli Manning? No, because Giants owner “Steve Tisch is my close personal friend,” while he just met Jets owner Woody Johnson “for the first time.”

All good for a laugh, except when you realize that the framers of the Constitution worried about exactly this sort of thing. “If residence be not required [for members of Congress],” declared George Mason in 1787, “Rich men of neighbouring States, may…get into the public Councils after having failed in their own State. This is the practice in the boroughs of England.”

The reference to England is important. In the United Kingdom, a man like Harold Ford—son of a congressman, nephew to state senators, educated at St. Albans—wouldn’t have to sully himself finding a state. He would live in London, making his way among the political and financial elite, and the party would pick out some safe borough for him, which he might occasionally deign to visit. The framers of the U.S. Constitution didn’t want that. Members of Congress were supposed to be from their states, thus limiting the concentration of power in Washington. Ambitious, pedigreed young politicians were expected to live in the hinterlands and succeed or fail based on their ability to relate to the unwashed masses that lived there.

The American system has its problems, to be sure. It encourages provincialism, a focus on the local rather than national interest. But it also produces a certain rough-hewn populism. Voters expect you to know and care about the places they live, even if those places aren’t glamorous or globally significant. And they expect you to be able to relate the things you believe to the place you’re from.

Harold Ford Jr. is taking a blowtorch to all that. He knows nothing about New York. What he knows about is the American overclass, a large chunk of which happens to reside in the Empire State. His campaign is the brainchild, in large measure, of rich donors who went searching for someone to run against interim Senator Kirsten Gillibrand. His economic agenda consists of defending Washington’s bailout of Wall Street, proposing a large corporate tax cut, and opposing caps on executive pay. “I’m a capitalist,” Ford explained, in justifying his position on executive pay. “I believe that people take risk, and there are rewards if they do well; they should lose if they don’t.” This from a man reportedly earning close to $1 million a year from an investment bank bailed out at taxpayer expense.

Ford’s candidacy is a dystopic vision of the political future, a future in which the American overclass dispatches its young into the provinces armed with so much money that it doesn’t matter that they know nothing about the place they’re supposed to represent. Let’s hope that Ford’s candidacy fails spectacularly. New York needs representation in the United States Senate; the Regency Hotel does not.
Peter Beinart, senior political writer for The Daily Beast, is an associate professor of journalism and political science at City University of New York and a senior fellow at the New America Foundation.
Howie P.S.: OK, he's a sleazeball, but did you have to throw "regular pedicures" under the bus?